DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/14/10

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 15 TOKYO 000088 SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/14/10 INDEX: (1) PM Hatoyama: No plan to replace DPJ Secretary General Ozawa, supports Ozawa despite raids by prosecutors over fund management body's land deal (Sankei) (2) Editorial: Okada, Clinton agree to start talks to rebuild basis of bilateral alliance (Asahi) (3) May deadline for Futenma relocation solution becomes "tough task" for Japan at Okada-Clinton talks (Asahi) (4) PNP policy chief Shimoji tours Misawa base in search for alternative Futenma relocation site (Okinawa Times) (5) Futenma relocation and Hatoyama administration: Change in Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirano's attitude toward Futenma issue and eagerness to reach settlement (Ryukyu Shimpo) (6) "Ronten" column: Stationing of U.S. forces in Japan: "Security alliance without permanent stationing of troops" is an illusion (Yomiuri) (7) My viewpoint column: ASEAN plus Japan, China and South Korea should form core of East Asian Community (Asahi) (8) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Yomiuri) (9) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Tokyo Shimbun) (10) Child abduction and international divorce (Part 3): Sole custody system continues to produce tragedies in Japan; disruption of ties to son leads to suicide (Tokyo Shimbun) ARTICLES: (1) PM Hatoyama: No plan to replace DPJ Secretary General Ozawa, supports Ozawa despite raids by prosecutors over fund management body's land deal SANKEI ONLINE (Full) 10:49, January 14, 2010 Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama commented on the morning of Jan. 14 on the Tokyo District Prosecutors Office's simultaneous raids over the land deal involving Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa's fund management organization Rikuzan-kai. He said: "The only thing we can do is to work hard, so that this will not affect the Diet. The cabinet will unite as one." He responded to questions from reporters in front of his official residential quarters. When asked if he will think about replacing the secretary general, Hatoyama said: "Not at this point. The DPJ has come this far under the secretary general's leadership. We have also weathered a very tough election. I have no such plans for now," strongly denying the possibility of replacing Ozawa. As to whether Ozawa should make himself available for questioning by the Tokyo District Prosecutors Office, Hatoyama's response was: "I think that is for him to decide." Concerning the growing demand for (Ozawa) to give an explanation from the Social Democratic Party, a coalition partner of the DPJ, TOKYO 00000088 002 OF 015 Hatoyama would only say: "Since the investigation is in progress, I think he is refraining from making statements." Meanwhile, Hatoyama asked the Diet to deliberate (on the regulation of political funds),including the possibility of a legal amendment, stating that: "Since the issue of (violation) of the Political Fund Control Law has come up (in light of a series of scandals),this question should be debated vigorously, and both the ruling and opposition parties should be involved in dealing with it." (2) Editorial: Okada, Clinton agree to start talks to rebuild basis of bilateral alliance ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) January 14, 2010 Four months have passed since the Hatoyama administration was inaugurated. The relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa is still a thorn in side of Japan-U.S. ties, but the bilateral relationship has finally begun to move forward. Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and his U.S. counterpart Hillary Clinton agreed in their meeting in Hawaii to launch a new round of talks aimed at deepening the bilateral alliance. Secretary of State Clinton renewed her call for Japan to implement the current plan agreed on between Japan and the U.S. to relocate the Futenma airfield to the Henoko district in Nago City. She said that although the Futenma issue is extremely important, "the issue is only part of the comprehensive bilateral partnership." She emphasized the importance for Japan and the U.S. to promote cooperation on other matters. Last year, a change of government took place in Japan and the U.S. The Obama administration and the Hatoyama administration share many ideas; for instance, calls for promoting multinational cooperation, nuclear abolition, and environmental protection. Given this, there must be many areas in which the two governments can cooperate. However, the Hatoyama administration's clumsy handling of the Futenma issue has undermined Washington's' confidence in Tokyo. Clinton emphasized that the Japan-U.S. alliance is a cornerstone of U.S. policy toward Asia and the basis of security in the Asia-Pacific region. This remark stems from the judgment that the two countries should not allow their entire relationship to be spoiled only due to the Futenma issue. The two governments have finally returned to their original starting point, although it has taken a considerable amount of time. This year marks the 50th anniversary of the revision of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. Okada and Clinton agreed to start talks aimed at strengthening the foundation of the bilateral alliance. Okada is hoping that the two countries will draw up a joint security declaration by November, when President Barack Obama is scheduled to visit Japan. Okada is reportedly eager to start discussions on Asia-Pacific concerns so the two countries can develop a common awareness of security issues in the region. TOKYO 00000088 003 OF 015 The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) grabbed the reins of government from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP),which had persistently supported the Japan-U.S. security arrangements in the postwar period. What will the DPJ administration carry over from the LDP? What kind of Japan-U.S. strategy is it going to craft amid great changes in Asia and the world? Okada said, "Instead of discussing stopgap measures, Japan and the U.S. should hold thorough talks from a panoramic viewpoint." Sharing a common perception will probably be useful for the two countries in exploring a way out of the Futenma issue. It is also expected to provide a good opportunity for Japan and the U.S. in the new international environment to consider the propriety of the measures taken under the Japan-U.S. security arrangements for a long period time, such as the presence of U.S. military bases, the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement, and Japan's host nation support (the so-called omoiyari yosan or "sympathy budget"). By doing so, their peoples' knowledge about these issues will also deepen. The government and the ruling coalition are looking for new relocation sites for the Futenma airfield. Okada relayed to Clinton "the prime minister's promise" that the administration would reach a final conclusion by May. He also said that if the government fails to deliver on this promise, the Hatoyama administration's credibility will be affected. It is true that the Futenma issue is just part of the Japan-U.S. alliance, but if the Hatoyama administration does not go through the difficult process of finding a solution acceptable to both sides, it will also be difficult to discuss the future of the alliance. (3) May deadline for Futenma relocation solution becomes "tough task" for Japan at Okada-Clinton talks ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) January 14, 2010 Hiroshi Ito, Akira Uchida in Honolulu At the joint news conference held after their talks in Honolulu, Hawaii on Jan. 12, the foreign ministers of Japan and the United States both emphasized the importance of the bilateral alliance and played up the amicable atmosphere. The two ministers also confirmed that a solution on the issue of the relocation of the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan City, Okinawa) will be reached "by May." If this deadline is not met, the Japan-U.S. relationship may deteriorate further. Giving consideration to relations with Japan "This is an issue that we view as very important, but it is part of our comprehensive partnership. We are working on a whole range of global issues, and we will continue to do so." At the joint news conference, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton emphasized that the Futenma issue is not the only issue in the Japan-U.S. relationship. She mentioned climate change, the Iranian and North Korean nuclear issues, and even the exchange of students, doctors, and scientists to show that the bilateral relationship covers a wide range of areas. TOKYO 00000088 004 OF 015 Behind Clinton's effort to stress the broad scope of the Japan-U.S. cooperative relationship is the growing concern in the U.S. about the deterioration of relations with Japan. Harvard University Professor Joseph Nye, a former assistant secretary of defense, wrote in the Jan. 7 issue of The New York Times: "Some people in Washington want to take a tough stance toward the new administration in Japan, but that would be unwise." He asked the U.S. government to be patient in negotiating the Futenma issue. Other major U.S. papers are increasingly arguing that "a specific issue like Futenma should not be allowed to aggravate relations with Japan." At the news conference, Clinton said: "We know there is a lot of concern within the coalition government," showing her consideration for the Hatoyama administration. However, there is also a "deadline" for such consideration. Clinton also stated at the news conference: "We want to have a decision by May." While showing her understanding of the Japanese government's plan to reach a decision by May, she also reminded Japan that the U.S. government regards May as the deadline. The U.S. government's position that the current relocation is the best option remains unchanged. U.S. House of Representatives member Madeleine Bordallo, Armed Services Committee Chairman Ike Skelton, and four other House members sent a letter to Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama on Jan. 7, demanding a solution to the Futenma issue based on the current relocation plan and the implementation of the relocation of U.S. Marines in Okinawa to Guam as planned. If the Hatoyama administration fails to meet the May "deadline," it is possible that the U.S. Congress may move to freeze the budget for U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) realignment. Kantei takes initiative to look for solution With regard to the May "deadline," Okada stated unequivocally at his news conference for the Japanese media: "If the prime minister and the foreign minister fail to do what they said they would do, they will lose credibility in human society." Okada had tried to work for a solution to the Futenma issue within ¶2009. Since a meeting with Clinton, which he had been strongly hoping for since last autumn, had finally been realized, he needed to reassure the U.S. side. At the meeting, he conveyed the Japanese government's determination on the May "deadline," telling Clinton "this is a promise from Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama." The Hatoyama cabinet has begun to look for a solution to the Futenma issue under the initiative of the Prime Minister's Official Residence (Kantei). The three ruling coalition parties, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ),the Social Democratic Party, and the People's New Party will submit their proposals on the relocation site to the "committee for the examination of Okinawa base issues" before the end of January. Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano, who chairs the committee, said at a news conference on Jan. 13, "I would like to think of a mechanism to facilitate the transmission of information to the Kantei," demonstrating his strong motivation. In the foreign ministerial meeting, it was also agreed that a joint statement would be issued by the Japanese and U.S. cabinet ministers in charge of foreign affairs and defense on Jan. 19, which marks the 50th anniversary of the signing of the revised Japan-U.S. security TOKYO 00000088 005 OF 015 treaty. Okada, who had once expressed strong concern that the Japan-U.S. relationship was "being shaken," expressed his relief by saying: "I feel like the prospects are a little brighter now." However, in reality, the Futenma issue has merely been "shelved." DPJ Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa has expressed a negative view on the current plan to relocate the Futenma base to Henoko in Nago City, which the U.S. side regards as the "best option." Hatoyama has also ordered a search for a relocation site "other than Henoko." There is a persistent opinion in the ruling parties that it would be difficult to implement the current plan. Okada also indicated his intention to draft a new declaration to replace the 1996 Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration on Security signed by Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto and U.S. President Bill Clinton. However, the Futenma issue is closely linked to USFJ realignment plans affecting other bases. If this issue remains unresolved, it will be difficult to proceed with discussions on concrete issues of security. It is unclear whether the talks to deepen the Japan-U.S. alliance that were launched in effect at the Okada-Clinton talks, will lead to a new security declaration. (4) PNP policy chief Shimoji tours Misawa base in search for alternative Futenma relocation site OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full) January 14, 2010 Tokyo - Mikio Shimoji, chief policy officer of the People's New Party (PNP),and others toured the Misawa base (in Aomori Prefecture) on Jan. 13 for the purpose of studying alternative relocation sites for the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station. As an alternative Futenma relocation plan, Shimoji has proposed the transfer of F-15 fighter exercises on Kadena Air Base (KAB) to Misawa to make way for integrating Futenma with KAB. Major General Hiroaki Maehara, commander of the Third Air Wing at the Air Self-Defense Force's Misawa base, told the group that 40,000 takeoff and landing exercises are conducted each year at the 3,000-meter runway jointly used with the U.S. forces. Two percent of the military base, measuring 1,600 square meters, is used exclusively by the Self-Defense Forces, 69 percent is used by the U.S. forces, and 29 percent is used jointly. After the tour, Shimoji said: "The KAB integration plan has to come in a package with the transfer of exercises out of Okinawa. If 40,000 exercises take place in Misawa each year, it might be possible to add another 20,000. My feeling is that it might be possible to use this base in terms of its size among other factors." Shimoji and his group plan to visit the U.S. Marine base in Iwakuni (Yamaguchi Prefecture),the U.S. naval base in Sasebo (Nagasaki Prefecture),and the Maritime Self-Defense Force base in Omura (Nagasaki) on Jan. 14. (5) Futenma relocation and Hatoyama administration: Change in Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirano's attitude toward Futenma issue and eagerness to reach settlement RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) January 12, 2010 While walking around a residential district in Ginowan City in the TOKYO 00000088 006 OF 015 early afternoon on Jan. 9, Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano asked a passerby there: "How's the noise around here?" In order to learn more about the actual situation in areas surrounding the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station, Hirano viewed the Futenma base from the rooftop of an elementary school adjacent to the base, looked over a fence at the base, and checked soundproofed housing. During his tour, Hirano expressed his eagerness to resolve the issue, saying, "I want to observe with my own eyes what the situation in Okinawa is really like." He initially had little interest in the relocation issue and did not actively involve himself in it even though the issue became top priority for the Hatoyama administration. Chief cabinet secretaries in the past have been fairly actively engaged in Okinawa affairs. The Futenma Airfield Relocation Measures Council, set up by a former government, was co-chaired by the state minister for Okinawa affairs and defense minister at first, but it was later used for a turf battle. Then Chief Cabinet Secretary Nobutaka Machimura put an end to the turf battle and took control of the council. As a result, Hirano was reportedly told that chief cabinet secretary has the key role in connection with the Futenma issue, which involves the foreign and defense ministers and state minister for Okinawa promotion, but he jokingly replied, "If so, I want it returned to how it used to be." A government official said, "He seemed to be backing away from the issue." In mid-December, however, he appeared to change his position. Hirano's aide explained the reason behind his change: "In connection with the coalition government, he had to bear responsibility." Another aide said, "He became the chair of the government's committee to study Okinawa base issues." The Futenma issue, which has become an internal problem rather than a diplomatic one, is now being dealt with by the three ruling parties, exceeding the domain of the foreign and defense ministers. As a result, Hirano had no choice but to play the key role. In a meeting on Jan. 4 with Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama at a Tokyo hotel, Hirano said, "Because the committee will make a decision on the matter, let me handle it. If I fail, I will take the consequences." On the morning of Jan. 9, Hirano held a meeting with Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima of Okinawa Prefecture on his first visit to the prefecture since assuming his current post. In the meeting, he said, "We may have to ask for your decision." His remark could be taken to mean that if a decision is made to relocate the Futenma base within Okinawa, the governor should accept it. Nakaima could only say, "I'm afraid to say yes to that.'" A government source said, "Mr. Hirano does not have any alternative site in mind. However, he believes there is no other option but to relocate Futenma to somewhere in Okinawa other than Henoko." The source explained the reason: "Because (Secretary General) that's what Ichiro Ozawa, the chief executive, thinks." Hirano stressed: "(The government) will go back to square one in looking for a relocation site." Nakaima said after the meeting, "I had believed that Futenma would be moved out of the prefecture. I wonder what his real view is." A senior Okinawa government official also made this comment: "We welcome his enthusiasm on the issue, but TOKYO 00000088 007 OF 015 we don't want the base to be relocated within the prefecture," expressing strong concern about what decision the government will make. On the morning of Jan. 11 Hirano reported to Hatoyama on his Okinawa tour. "Thank you for trouble," said Hatoyama. Hirano, who was able to confirm his beliefs, told the prime minister: "This is the starting point." (6) "Ronten" column: Stationing of U.S. forces in Japan: "Security alliance without permanent stationing of troops" is an illusion YOMIURI (Page 13) (Full) January 13, 2010 Takakazu Kuriyama, former ambassador to the United States It is a well-known fact that a "security alliance without the permanent stationing of troops" is a pet theory of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama. He recently announced that he is shelving this theory, which is the proper thing to do as the prime minister, who is responsible for national security. Yet, looking at how the Prime Minister is handling the issue of the relocation of the Futenma Air Station, one cannot help thinking that he still sticks to his pet theory. Furthermore, if the U.S. government is indeed beginning to lose trust in the Hatoyama administration, as described in media reports, this is probably because the U.S. suspects that the administration aims at realizing a "security alliance without the permanent stationing of troops." The advocates of a "security alliance without the permanent stationing of troops" (or "security alliance with the stationing of troops only in a contingency") think that the stationing of foreign troops in Japan is abnormal and is a remnant of the Cold War even today, 20 years after it ended. However, this is an argument based on a completely mistaken perception of reality. At present, 75,000 U.S. forces are stationed in Europe under the NATO framework, according to The Military Balance 2009, 55,000 of which are deployed in Germany. In addition, 22,000 British troops are also stationed in Germany. Even in Europe, where after the end of the Cold War the security environment is much more stable than that in East Asia, such a level of U.S. forces deployment is accepted as a reasonable cost for protection under the U.S. military umbrella (relying on U.S. extended deterrence, including nuclear arms). The problem with the base issues in Okinawa lies not in the presence of U.S. troops per se, but in the overconcentration of military bases. For sure, under an "alliance with the stationing of troops only in a contingency," the burden on the local communities close to the bases (noise, accidents, peace and order issues, etc.) will indeed be reduced significantly. However, airfields and barracks, as well as communication, supply, and storage facilities, will have to be maintained even during peacetime in order to ensure the rapid and effective redeployment of U.S. forces in a contingency. Most of the military bases in use right now would not be returned. Furthermore, if the presence of the Seventh Fleet is deemed necessary in the West Pacific, the naval bases in Yokosuka and Sasebo would have to be provided for the continued use of U.S. forces. Apart from the hardware requirements for a "security alliance without the permanent stationing of troops," there are more basic problems with this concept. First, it is doubtful if the U.S. forces TOKYO 00000088 008 OF 015 that have been withdrawn can return in a timely manner when they are needed by Japan. It is common sense in international politics that no matter how close a bilateral relationship is, an alliance relationship should not be taken for granted. This is precisely the reason for the presence of U.S. forces in Europe. Second, what is the perception of this issue from the U.S. standpoint? If Japan and the U.S. can be expected to agree completely at all times on the military response needed from the U.S. during a contingency in East Asia, there will not be any serious problem. However, if that is not the case, there is no guarantee that the U.S. forces can obtain the Japanese government's approval even if they should want to redeploy in Japan (e.g. Okinawa). Such an unpredictable situation is absolutely unacceptable to the U.S. Pursuing a "security alliance without the permanent stationing of troops," which is untenable without absolute mutual trust between Japan and the U.S., amounts to pursuing an illusion. It is an unrealistic and irresponsible policy. (7) My viewpoint column: ASEAN plus Japan, China and South Korea should form core of East Asian Community ASAHI (Page 17) (Full) January 13, 2010 By Ling Xingguang, executive director of Japan-China Science, Technology and Culture Center Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's initiative for an East Asia Community was enthusiastically welcomed by Southeast Asia and China. However, since its contents are unclear, the enthusiasm is cooling off. What is important is how to envision a regional framework for the proposed community. The initiative will remain unrealized if the prime minister avoids facing this essential issue. In my view, an ASEAN plus 3 framework - the 10 ASEAN members, Japan, China and South Korea - should be proactively promoted from the viewpoint of Japan's national interest and the building of a new East Asian model. The new East Asian model is a sophisticated and globalized version of the East Asian model created by Japan. Japan has created a new model combining the planned nature of a controlled economy and a market mechanism in the postwar period. In other words, the new model is a government-led market economy. The government played a significant role in mapping out a guideline-like long-term plan and in drawing up industrial policies and social security policies. Unlike a controlled economy, the (government-led) management of the economy was based on market principles. Japan's model for success was adopted by Taiwan, South Korea, and Singapore. The Japanese model was also adopted by ASEAN and China after its reform and opening up. This was highly evaluated by the international community as the miracle of East Asia. However, when U.S.-style neoliberalism swept through the world in the second half of the 1990's, questions were raised about whether the Japanese style, which succeeded in one country, was really effective. It was also viewed as outmoded in Japan. China was influenced by neoliberalism. However, it has basically acceded to the East Asia TOKYO 00000088 009 OF 015 model that originated in Japan. Ideally, Japan should have created a new East Asia model, by exploring ways to sophisticate and internationalize the East Asia model. The new East Asia mode is an international cooperation-type market economy. Under the model, an organization that promotes international cooperation in place of the government would formulate a transnational infrastructure development plan, industrial policies, and environmental measures. It would then give opportunities to the economic entities of each country to take part, based on market principles. Importance would be attached not only to the liberalization of trade and investment but also to economic cooperation and assistance to least developed nations, diminishing disparities within the region and between the south and the north. This Asian-type standard would receive international recognition and spread throughout the world. Japan would have to give in to China in terms of quantitative superiority. However, it would maintain qualitative superiority for the next 30 years or 50 years. Some say that ASEAN plus 3 would serve as a setting for China to seek hegemony. However, China lacks experience and intelligence. It still needs Japan. The recent financial crisis has revealed that U.S.-led Washington consensus is faulty. This is an opportunity for ASEAN plus 3, with the economic basis of the East Asia model, to build a new East Asia model. If Japan takes an ambiguous stance in which it appears to be rejecting this framework, it will miss out on a strategic opportunity. I hope that the Hatoyama administration will make a clear decision. (8) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties YOMIURI (Page 15) (Full) January 11, 2010 Questions & Answers (Figures are percentages) Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet? Yes 56 No 34 Other answers (O/A) 5 No answer (N/A) 6 Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the foregoing question) Pick only one from among the following reasons for your approval of the Hatoyama cabinet. Something can be expected of its policy measures 23 The prime minister is aiming to make policy decisions at the initiative of politicians 21 The prime minister has leadership ability 2 There's something stable about the prime minister 3 His cabinet's lineup is good 8 Because it's a non-Liberal Democratic Party government 39 O/A 0 N/A 4 Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the foregoing question) Pick only one from among the following reasons for your disapproval of TOKYO 00000088 010 OF 015 the Hatoyama cabinet. Nothing can be expected of its policy measures 22 Nothing can be expected of its policy decisions made at the initiative of politicians 12 The prime minister lacks leadership ability 39 There's nothing stable about the prime minister 13 His cabinet's lineup is not good 5 Because it's a non-Liberal Democratic Party government 5 O/A 2 N/A 2 Q: Which political party do you support now? Pick only one. Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 39 Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 16 New Komeito (NK) 3 Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3 Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 1 People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0 New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 Other political parties 0 None 35 N/A 2 Q: The Hatoyama cabinet is a tripartite coalition government of the DPJ, SDP, and PNP. Do you approve of this combination of political parties? Yes 25 No 54 N/A 10 Q: Finance Minister Fujii has resigned and Deputy Prime Minister Naoto Kan has become his successor. Do you think this will have a positive or negative impact on the Hatoyama cabinet in running the government? Yes 47 No 33 N/A 21 Q: Do you think Prime Minister Hatoyama has displayed leadership in running the government so far? Yes 18 No 73 N/A 8 Q: Who do you think is the most influential political leader in the government and ruling parties? Prime Minister Hatoyama 10 Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Naoto Kan 6 DPJ Secretary General Ozawa 68 SDP President Fukushima 4 PNP President Kamei 4 Others 0 N/A 8 TOKYO 00000088 011 OF 015 Q: The Hatoyama cabinet has decided to abolish provisional gasoline surcharges but will instead introduce a system to maintain tax rates at the same level. Do you approve of this plan? Yes 41 No 46 N/A 12 Q: The Hatoyama cabinet will raise the tobacco tax by about 5 yen per cigarette. Do you approve of this plan? Yes 69 No 27 N/A 4 Q: The Hatoyama cabinet will not set an income limit for child allowances. Do you approve of this plan? Yes 34 No 61 N/A 6 Q: The Hatoyama cabinet will issue government bonds for an all-time high of about 44 trillion yen, which is in excess of the estimated amount of tax revenues. Do you think this is unavoidable? Yes 44 No 50 N/A 6 Q: Do you think the U.S. military's Futenma airfield in Okinawa Prefecture should be relocated in accordance with the agreement between Japan and the U.S., or do you think it should be moved out of Okinawa Prefecture or out of Japan? In accordance with the agreement 44 Out of Okinawa Prefecture 13 Out of Japan 30 N/A 14 Q: A former secretary of Prime Minister Hatoyama has been prosecuted for falsifying reports on political donations, and Mr. Hatoyama will stay on as prime minister. Do you approve of this? Yes 52 No 40 N/A 8 Q: Do you think Prime Minister Hatoyama has provided a sufficient explanation on his own politics-and-money problems? Yes 17 No 76 N/A 6 Q: Do you think DPJ Secretary General Ozawa has provided a sufficient explanation on his own politics-and-money problems about his fund-managing body? Yes 5 No 91 N/A 5 TOKYO 00000088 012 OF 015 Q: There will be an election this summer for the House of Councillors. Which political party's candidate or which political party are you going to vote for? DPJ 35 LDP 20 NK 3 JCP 3 SDP 1 YP 2 PNP 0 RC 0 NPN 0 Other political parties 0 Undecided 31 N/A 5 Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Jan. 8-10 across the nation on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. Households with one or more eligible voters totaled 1,777. Valid answers were obtained from 1,112 persons (63 PERCENT ). (Note) In some cases, the total percentage does not add up to 100 PERCENT due to rounding. 0 indicates that the figure was less than 0.5. (9) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) January 12, 2010 Questions & Answers (Figures are percentages. Parentheses denote the results of the last survey conducted Dec. 25-26 last year.) Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet? Yes 50.8 (47.2) No 33.2 (38.1) Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 16.0 (14.7) Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the previous question) What is the primary reason for your approval of the Hatoyama cabinet? Pick only one from among those listed below. The prime minister is trustworthy 6.5 (11.3) Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan, Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 11.7 (7.5) The prime minister has leadership ability 0.5 (0.6) Something can be expected of its economic policies 10.8 (7.6) Something can be expected of its foreign policy 0.8 (1.3) Something can be expected of its political reforms 24.6 (22.0) Something can be expected of its tax reforms 3.5 (5.3) Something can be expected of its administrative reforms 13.9 (17.1) There's no other appropriate person (for prime minister) 25.5 (25.6) Other answers (O/A) 0.0 (0.3) D/K+N/A 2.2 (1.4) Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the first question) What is the primary reason for your disapproval of the Hatoyama cabinet? TOKYO 00000088 013 OF 015 Pick only one from among those listed below. The prime minister is untrustworthy 14.1 (16.5) Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan, Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 11.3 (12.4) The prime minister lacks leadership ability 22.1 (24.1) Nothing can be expected of its economic policies 28.0 (20.4) Nothing can be expected of its foreign policy 5.1 (8.2) Nothing can be expected of its political reforms 6.8 (5.3) Nothing can be expected of its tax reforms 4.7 (6.4) Nothing can be expected of its administrative reforms 1.7 (1.6) Don't like the prime minister's personal character 3.3 (4.0) O/A 1.4 (0.1) D/K+N/A 1.5 (1.0) Q: Which political party do you support? Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 38.7 (36.1) Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 17.3 (23.7) New Komeito (NK) 3.4 (1.9) Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2.9 (1.3) Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 3.0 (1.8) Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 2.7 (1.7) People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.1 (1.1) Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) --- (---) New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.4 (0.6) Other political parties, groups 0.1 (---) None 30.6 (30.5) D/K+N/A 0.8 (1.3) Q: DPJ Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa's fund-managing body appropriated more than 400 million yen for such purposes as purchasing land in 2004. This transaction, however, was not described in its report on political funds for that year. Do you think Mr. Ozawa has provided a sufficient explanation on his own politics-and-money problems? Yes 0.9 Yes to a certain extent 7.7 Not very much 29.5 No 55.9 D/K+N/A 6.0 Q: What do you think Mr. Ozawa should do if his former secretary or someone else involved is prosecuted over this unreported political fund appropriation? He should resign from his Diet membership to take responsibility 25.3 He should resign from his DPJ secretary general post to take responsibility 35.1 He only needs to provide a sufficient explanation and take steps to improve the situation 34.6 D/K+N/A 5.0 Q: Finance Minister Hirohisa Fujii resigned from his cabinet post right after compiling the budget for fiscal 2010. It was right before the opening of the Diet session. Do you think this will affect Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama in running the government? Yes 21.8 Yes to a certain extent 45.4 TOKYO 00000088 014 OF 015 Not very much 16.9 No 9.8 D/K+N/A 6.1 Q: Deputy Prime Minister Naoto Kan has become finance minister as Mr. Fujii's successor. Do you have high expectations for Finance Minister Kan? Yes 28.9 Yes to a certain extent 30.1 Not very much 23.4 No 11.8 D/K+N/A 5.8 Q: What would you like Finance Minister Kan to do first thing? Economic stimulus, job security measures 32.4 Fiscal turnaround 13.1 Elimination of wasteful spending 29.5 Finance Ministry reform, breakaway from bureaucratic control 9.5 Drastic tax reforms, such as consumption tax hike 9.6 High-yen countermeasures 1.4 O/A --- D/K+N/A 4.5 Polling methodology: The survey was conducted across the nation on Jan. 10-11 by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone numbers, those actually for household use with one or more eligible voters totaled 1,477. Answers were obtained from 1031 persons. (10) Child abduction and international divorce (Part 3): Sole custody system continues to produce tragedies in Japan; disruption of ties to son leads to suicide TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 26) (Full) January 12, 2010 One morning, the 32-year-old son of Aiko Nakanishi, 58, of Inzai City, Chiba Prefecture, did not get up. Nakanishi went to his room to wake him only to find his dead body lying there. There were several suicide notes addressed to his parents and others. On the back of a picture of his three-year-old son, there was also a scrawled message reading "Listen to what your mother says and grow up to be a respectable man." Nakanishi's son, who was a university researcher, had decided to divorce his wife after he found out she was having an affair. He had been living separately from his wife for two months before he killed himself in July 2007. He was engaged in a fierce battle with his wife over who should raise their only son. "In Japan, where the mother usually takes care of the child, it is difficult for the father to win the custody of the child." Nakanishi's son was agonizing over the custody of his son, while checking for information on groups of parents who have been separated from their children after divorce. "He should have sought the custody of his son in court," Nakanishi said. "He shouldn't have killed himself." To comfort his son, TOKYO 00000088 015 OF 015 Nakanishi had said to him, "You can have more children if you remarry." She now regrets making that remark. In Japan where sole custody is granted to one parent after divorce, there have been many cases in which the other parent without custody was not allowed to take part in childrearing. There are an increasing number of parents who are seeking chances to see their children regularly even after divorce with the aim of keeping the bond between parent and child alive. But there is no such system in Japan. The frequency and extent of visitations are left to talks between parents and court decisions. Fumi Ueno, 50, of Kunitachi City, Tokyo, divorced her husband 11 years ago because of his violence. A family court arbitrator awarded the custody of her four-year-old son to her ex-husband, saying he was more financially capable of raising the child. Since then Ueno has not been able to see her son. Last fall she learned of the destination of the school excursion of her son, now a high school student, and headed for the destination in the hope of catching a glimpse of her son. Spotting her son right away at the destination, she cautiously took pictures of him with her camera phone. "Will he accept me again?" Ueno later filed a request with the family court for arbitration in seeking visitation rights with her son. Steve Christie, 53, a visiting university professor in Tokyo, has a son with his Japanese ex-wife. He has not been able to see his son freely. Their marriage deteriorated four years ago. His ex-wife disappeared with their son, a fifth grader at the time. Because his ex-wife falsely reported to the police about her "abusive husband," Christie was not able to grasp his son's whereabouts for three years. Although he knows his son's whereabouts now, his ex-wife is reluctant to let him see his son. "It's absurd. He is still my son," Christie said angrily. In the United States, it is common practice for both parents to be involved in raising their children even after divorce. Things are different in Japan. "If the divorce had been granted in the United States, I would have custody of my son," Christie said regretfully. Japan should look for ways to establish a system that allows both parents to take part in raising their children even after they are divorced. Parental roles do not end with divorce. ZUMWALT