UZBEKISTAN: PRESIDENT KARIMOV APPOINTS SENATORS WITH AN EYE

C O N F I D E N T I A L TASHKENT 000091 SENSITIVE SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 2020/02/23 TAGS: PREL PGOV KDEM UZ SUBJECT: UZBEKISTAN: PRESIDENT KARIMOV APPOINTS SENATORS WITH AN EYE TO THE FUTURE -- INCLUDING, PERHAPS, HIS OWN REF: 10 TASHKENT 43; 10 TASHKENT 47 CLASSIFIED BY: Katrisa Peffley, Pol/Econ Officer, DOS, Pol/Econ; REASON: 1.4(B),(D) ¶1. (C) SUMMARY: During the last weeks of January, the 100 Senators of Uzbekistan's parliament, the Oliy Majlis, were chosen-sixteen appointed by President Karimov, and the remaining 84 selected by the regional councils from their own ranks. The Senate is intended to be Uzbekistan's "chamber of experience," made up of respected citizens who have performed "special service" for their country. President Karimov made a notable speech to a joint session of parliament on January 26, in which he envisioned a more active parliament (and a stronger judiciary) that would balance the executive branch. Some observers see this as part of an "exit strategy" allowing Karimov to begin to make way for a successor. END SUMMARY. A COUNCIL OF "WHITE BEARDS" - THE SENATE IN UZBEKISTAN ¶2. (SBU) The Uzbek Senate is meant to be a council of "white beards"-an Uzbek expression signifying society's most experienced and respected elders. (Of course, some women are now considered to be "white beards.") In theory, Senators-and particularly those appointed by the President-are those experienced Uzbek patriots who are recognized for their "special service" to their country. They are intended to represent a broad spectrum of the country's most respected citizens, from intellectuals to business leaders. Of the 100 Senators in the Oliy Majlis, sixteen are appointed by the President. The remaining 84 Senators are elected by the members of regional councils, from their ranks. Usually the most important members of the regional councils are selected to serve in the Senate-for example, the governors of each province are also chosen to serve as Senators. Given that regional governors are appointed by the President and are virtually guaranteed Senate seats, the President exercises de facto control over 28 Senate seats. Senators serve five year terms, and Senatorial appointments are made in conjunction with the popular election of the Lower House of Parliament. SENATE JOB SECURITY-OR LACK THEREOF ¶3. (SBU) Only four senators were reappointed by the President. All of the returnees are very influential citizens of Uzbekistan. Senator Mirabror Usmanov is the president of the 
national soccer federation and has major commercial interests, but is considered to be a "full time" Senator. (Note: Unlike Members of Parliament, who are expected to give up any other work when they are elected to Parliament, Senators are technically allowed to keep their "day jobs.") Senator Erkin Bakibaev is the Chairman of the of the War Veterans' Fund, an important position considering the nation's traditional reverence for age and experience. Senator Mir-Akbar Rakhmankulov is the First Deputy Secretary of the National Security Council, and consequently exercises a great deal of influence in national security matters. Senator Sadik Safayev-who was rumored to have fallen out of favor with President Karimov and whose Senate seat was reportedly at risk-is a foreign policy expert, former Ambassador to the United States and Foreign Minister, and the Chairman of the Senate's Foreign Policy Committee. Most of these men are considered to be reliable supporters of the President; however, some local observers have suggested that perhaps Senator Safayev kept his seat because the President wants to keep a close eye on him. ¶4. (SBU) As for the twelve former Senators who were not reappointed, many of them fell from grace for specific and obvious reasons. Several scandals of one kind or another plagued the Presidential appointees of the previous term. One was a known alcoholic, one was accused of embezzlement, another has a son-in-law who was sent to prison (allegedly for threatening the interests of Karimov's oldest daughter, Gulnara Karimova),and two have fled the country. The twelve new appointees include the Director of Uzbek Airways, a judge from Uzbekistan's Constitutional Court, a handful of bureaucrats, and several academicians, including the rector of the National University of Uzbekistan and the president of the Uzbek Academy of Science. They are perceived (at least for the time being) as being less corrupt than the last bunch-for example, two of the new Senators are directors of major mining interests, and both are regarded as successful, trustworthy managers. (Note: Disgraced former Senator Kuchersky, who fled to Moscow, used to be the Director General of the Navoi Mining Company. His successor at Navoi Mining, Kuvandik Sanakulov, is also his successor in the Senate.) New Senator Edvard Rtveladze, a well-known and popular archaeologist, is involved in some of Gulnara Karimova's pet projects. And new Senator Svetlana Artikova, the press secretary of the General Prosecutor's Office, was specifically commended by Karimov during his speech to Parliament for "telling the world the truth" about the Andijan events of 2005. PRESIDENT KARIMOV LOOKING TO THE FUTURE? ¶5. (C) During his speech to a joint session of parliament on January 26, President Karimov made a number of strongly worded remarks that do not appear to match his past actions. (See reftel A.) Although some believe his words to be no more than hollow rhetoric, Karimov has shown himself to be a savvy politician over many years of maneuvering to stay on top of the Uzbek government. Therefore, while the sincerity of his words may be in doubt, he probably did not utter them without purpose. A few aspects of Karimov's speech stood out to observers because of their apparent inconsistency with current GOU policy. First of all, Karimov sternly criticized the Oliy Majlis for its "passivity" over the last five years, exhorting deputies and senators to take a more active role in proposing legislation and defending the interests of their constituents. In doing so, he held up the U.S. Congress as the shining example of proper legislative action. Since the Uzbek parliament is widely considered to be a virtually impotent body that exists only to rubber stamp the laws set forth by the president, such criticism seems a tad peculiar. (Note: Only candidates nominated by official-and pro-government-political parties were eligible to participate in the recent parliamentary elections.) The president also criticized Uzbekistan's media for being "toothless" and ineffective, despite the fact that the GOU directly controls most Uzbek media outlets and has reined in the independent media as much as possible. (See reftel B.) ¶6. (C) Article 97 of the Uzbek constitution stipulates that any former president of the republic is guaranteed a Senate seat for life. One theory is that Karimov is trying to strengthen the role of Uzbekistan's parliament as part of his "exit strategy" from the presidency. Gulnara Karimova has always been very visible on Uzbekistan's political and cultural stage, and some local observers believe that she is the being groomed as the president's successor. If she (or any other hand-picked candidate) makes a bid for the presidential office with Karimov's blessing, then Karimov could take up a post in the Senate while maintaining some power and influence in the country. It seems unlikely that President Karimov will voluntarily retire from Uzbek politics unless his health prevents him from further activity-and so far, we have not seen any clear sign that his health is failing. COMMENT ¶7. (C) Comment: Whether or not Karimov is planning for his succession, he does seem to be planning for his legacy. His public rhetoric usually suggests that he wants to be remembered as the father of his country, a great president who presided over the foundation of strong institutions while keeping his country safe and stable. His handlers seem to be cultivating this image more and more of late. It also seems that he is not content merely to govern his little corner of the globe-he truly seems to crave international legitimacy. Yet he has avoided building a cult of personality. Many regional observers have commented on Karimov's apparent sense of rivalry with Kazakh President Nazarbayev, who enjoys greater respect on the world stage. Karimov's desire for international legitimacy and tentative steps on human rights and related issues can be used to continue to draw Uzbekistan into greater cooperation with the international community. End comment. NORLAND