CIVIL SOCIETY WEIGHS IN ON SECURITY ISSUES

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 MEXICO 000101 SENSITIVE SIPDIS WHA DAS JACOBSON AND MEX DIRECTOR LEE, NSC FOR O'REILLY AND RESTREPO E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM MX SUBJECT: CIVIL SOCIETY WEIGHS IN ON SECURITY ISSUES REF: 08 MEXICO 3690; 09 MEXICO 2144 CIVIL SOCIETY WEIGHS IN ON SECURITY ISSUES ¶1. (SBU) Summary: Civil society in Mexico is a nascent force with significant but unrealized potential for bringing about needed social and political change. Many of the groups contribute to the rich and surprisingly open political debate here, but some are top-down constructs, staffed by well-connected elites, amply funded, but hemmed in by a political culture that is want to moving slowly in identifying problems and glacial in pushing for real change. The independent NGOs also reflect the cautious and conservative nature of Mexico's political class: some groups are too narrowly focused on the grievances of elites, while others fall prey to the rigid PRI-created stovepipes that reinforce a zero-sum approach and undermine common agendas, practical cooperation, and innovative thinking. A Brief History -------------- ¶2. (SBU) Historically, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which ruled Mexico over seven decades, exercised effective control over civil society, restricting its participation in questions of governance and successfully co-opting various groups. Over time, however, several significant events -- the 1985 earthquake, the contested presidential election of 1988, and several political and economic crises over the course of the 1980s and 1990s -- gave rise to the emergence of independent Civil Society Organizations (CSO) that insisted on the right to challenge the government's policies. In 1994, an alliance of more than 400 CSOs formed to promote the Citizen Movement for Democracy. Groups similarly campaigned for greater respect for human rights, contributing in large measure to the creation of the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) in the 1990s. Ultimately, pressure from groups for change helped lead to the election of Vicente Fox as President of Mexico, the first president from a party other than PRI in over 71 years. ¶3. (SBU) Today, civil society in Mexico, however nascent and immature, has become a growth sector. The press unabashedly criticizes the government, unions openly protest in the streets, and groups representing an ever widening array of interests have emerged, making their demands heard in the public sphere. Most recently, record levels of organized crime related violence in Mexico galvanized groups into action. In response to rising cries for action, senior GOM officials including President Calderon, the mayor of Mexico City, the country's 31 state governors, various Congressmen, and senior members of the judiciary and military, met on August 21, 2008 together with representatives of several CSOs and unanimously adopted a 75 point package of security measures to be implemented over the next three years. On August 30, 2008, several groups organized a massive nationwide demonstration to prove national outrage over a number of recent killings and to promise to hold the GOM accountable to their obligations under the agreement (see reftel 1). Major Players in Civil Society Today -------------- -------------- ¶4. (SBU) Many CSOs that have emerged over recent years tend to be highly organized, well funded, and supported and staffed by members of Mexico's socioeconomic elite. Mexico Unido Contra la Delicuencia - Mexico United Against Crime (MUCD) - is an example of this type of new civil society powerhouse. This organization, MEXICO 00000101 002 OF 003 dedicated to combating kidnappings and crime through raising awareness and by supporting a wide range of policy reforms, is backed by prominent businessmen and foundations, and regularly receives extensive press coverage. Another high profile security organization is Mexico SOS, an NGO founded by Alejandro Marti, the wealthy and prominent owner of a chain of sporting goods stores, whose teenage son was murdered last year (reftel). Mexico SOS, among other programs, provides phone numbers for victims to report crimes and works to keep security issues in the press. Another major player in civil society is Marcos Fastlicht, a wealthy construction magnate and patriarch of a prominent family, who served as president of the Citizen Participation Council of the Attorney General's Office (CPC) from 2008-2009. The CPC was founded in 2002 when a prestigious group of civil society activists met with then President Vicente Fox and his security cabinet to create formal channels for citizens to express their concerns to the state and federal attorney general offices. Today, CPCs are active in all 31 states and are supported by 450 volunteers. During his year as Director of the CPC, Fastlicht started developing the National Association of Civil Participation (ANCPC) which he now heads. The CSO Divide -------------- ¶5. (SBU) In addition to these security-focused groups, human rights organizations have inserted themselves into the security debate due to concerns over abuses by the government and a desire for what they describe as a "holistic" security policy. Well-respected groups such as FUNDAR and the San Agustin Pro Juarez Center for Human Rights (CentroProdh) participate in GOM sponsored meetings related to the Merida Initiative and other security related issues, even though their priorities are not exclusively security focused. CentroProdh is a well known human rights organization that advocates for victims and draws awareness to violations. FUNDAR focuses more on research, analyzing the GOM's budget and policy proposals with a focus on democratic development as well as human rights. These groups, as well as others like the Institute for National Security and Democracy (INSYDE),a non-profit that also focuses on research, lobby the government less than MUCD and advocate for local solutions to regional problems. (Note: For more information on such groups and their efforts to effect change, see ref 2. End note.) ¶6. (SBU) These human rights groups often criticize MUCD and SOS for being too friendly with politicians, too involved in party politics, and too removed from the average citizen. They charge that such organizations are paternalistic and their leaders only focus on the grievances of the elite; that their work is motivated simply by personal loss and not the greater good. One FUNDAR representative explained the divide by telling Poloff, "there's MUCD, SOS and then there's us, INSYDE, CentroPro, etc." Poloffs repeatedly hear similar sentiments which create an "us vs. them" divide in civil society. MUCD and SOS are powerful, well-connected, and earn envious amounts of media coverage. FUNDAR, INSYDE, and CentroPro work more quietly. Much of their labor focuses on the local, state, and individual levels and they do not generate as much press coverage, a fact that could lend itself to jealousy. Of course, many of the security-focused groups also disagree with each other, often devolving into petty disputes over which gets more press time or is more compromised by its elevated connection to power circles. The divisions within and between the two sets of groups tend to undercut their credibility and influence on power and draw their attention away from the necessary scrutiny, oversight, and accountability of government they can provide. Overcoming Bad Habits -------------- ¶8. (SBU) While Mexico is more open than it once was, most levels of government are still slow to integrate genuine civil society participation and recommendations. Seventy years of one-party rule have cast a long shadow over Mexican politics, and exclusion is still the norm here. CSOs constantly complain that officials MEXICO 00000101 003 OF 003 exclude them from decision-making and rarely take their opinions into serious account. Nonetheless, Congress gave NGOs a voice in the recent selection of the new head of the National Human Rights Commission (ref 3) and, for the first time ever, legislators accepted a bill from an NGO in December. Stop Kidnappings, an NGO led by the prominent activist and mother of a kidnap victim Isabel Miranda de Wallace, submitted a victim's rights bill to Congress which lawmakers will consider next session. These small victories represent the growing opportunity for Mexican CSOs to engage with the government. Hope on the Horizon -------------- ¶9. (SBU) Despite divisions and a closed political climate, Mexico's security-based groups represent a growing sector, and their influence continues to expand. Fastlicht believes that CSOs can and should play an important role in controlling and dismantling the cycle of violence affecting society. In his opinion, "if criminal groups are organized then civil society is disorganized." Fastlicht's newest project involves the establishment of an umbrella organization for CSOs in Mexico. He hopes to coordinate and facilitate their interaction with each other so that they can work together more seamlessly to achieve mutual goals. Fastlicht commented that he still lacks the budget needed to support this project and is looking to USAID, for funding. (Note: AID already supports his organization with $1 million USD of Merida funding. End note.) Similarly, after a recent press conference slamming the GOM for having made "no advance" on security, MUCD president Ana Franco reflected her organization's determination when she said, "We will demand that the situation be corrected," leaving no doubt that MUCD will continue to work with GOM officials to improve the government's response to security concerns. Another MUCD representative told Polasst that his work for the organization is voluntary and that he would not spend his time working for it if he did not feel it was going to make a difference. Despite their regular complaints of government inaction and incompetence, these organizations clearly see themselves contributing to positive change. ¶10. (SBU) Comment: We are working very closely with Mexican civil society both in our dialogue with the human rights NGOs and in our support for citizen participation groups working to build a national consensus against violence. These efforts are showing great promise notwithstanding continued growing pains in Mexican civil society. We are encouraged that the messages delivered by security-focused CSOs have struck a chord with Mexico's broader civil society. These groups have no intention of letting their demands go unaddressed. Instead, they insist they have a seat at the table in policy debates. Mexico's efforts to combat organized crime and institute respect for the rule of law will take time and significant resources. While we have not seen evidence of cartel intimidation affecting Mexico City civil society, we know that in Ciudad Juarez CSO leaders do face more threats from cartels. We will continue to monitor the situation and look for ways to partner with CSOs to urge the GOM to adopt policies that enhance safety for community activists. To the extent the GOM develops a more constructive relationship with Mexico's broad array of civil society players and proves itself more responsive to their demands, we can expect continued progress in their shared vision of a safer, more prosperous Mexico. End comment. PASCUAL