WESTERN HEMISPHERE DELEGATIONS AT THE 64TH UNGA

C O N F I D E N T I A L USUN NEW YORK 001133

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/30/2019
TAGS: ECON PGOV PHUM PREL UNGA XK XL XM
SUBJECT: WESTERN HEMISPHERE DELEGATIONS AT THE 64TH UNGA

REF: A. (A) USUN NEW YORK 997

B. (B) USUN NEW YORK 982

C. (C) USUN NEW YORK 972

D. (D) USUN NEW YORK 878

E. (E) USUN NEW YORK 1070

Classified By: Amb.RosemaryDiCarlo


1. (C) SUMMARY: President Obama's speech was the high point
of the UNGA's opening session. WHA and other delegations
warmly welcomed his call for a "new era of engagement." One
of the most striking expressions of this sentiment came later
in the session when the Third Committee erupted into applause
after the U.S. joined consensus on two WHA delegation
resolutions that we had repeatedly voted against in the past.
The constitutional crisis in Honduras was closely followed in
New York, but remained a peripheral issue. On the eve of the
Copenhagen Conference, climate change was the issue of the
day and was of central concern to the Caribbeans. There had
been high expectations for a change in U.S. policy on Cuba.
While U.S. measures to lift some restrictions were well
received, the UNGA approved by the usual overwhelming vote
the 18th resolution condemning the Cuban Embargo. The embargo
will be among those issues exploited by our critics as the
initial goodwill from our new approach to multilateral
diplomacy fades. In this regard, however, it was encouraging
that close allies abstained on a Cuban resolution against
unilateral economic sanctions noting that such measures were
admissible to uphold democracy and human rights. Meanwhile,
WHA votes helped rack up large margins of victory for the
three Third Committee human rights resolutions on Iran, North
Korea and Burma. We were less successful in mobilizing WHA
support on Middle East issues although the region contributed
significantly to opposition to or abstentions on the
Organization of the Islamic Conference's (OIC) problematic
Defamation of Religions resolution. Members of the
Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA) became a more
active and more strident voice against U.S. interests on a
wide range of issues. Brazil was elected to replace Costa
Rica as one of the region's two temporary members on the UN
Security Council. Colombia is expected to replace Mexico on
the Council next year. END SUMMARY .

2.(U) GENERAL DEBATE: This year, nineteen western hemisphere
Presidents and Prime Ministers came to New York to address
the opening sessions of the General Assembly -- six less than
last year. Brazil by tradition leads off the General Debate.
Economics was the heart of President Lula's speech, slamming
the failure to regulate financial markets and touting the
Brazilian experience in managing their "brief" economic
recession. Next President Obama delivered a speech that
electrified the General Assembly Hall. The speech was
universally well received among WHA delegations and set a
strongly positive tone for subsequent USUN initiatives at the
GA. Bringing us back down to earth, Venezuelan President Hugo
Chavez, in a folksy talk-show-host style, delivered a
hour-long vintage attack on the "empire" while extolling the
triumphant progress of his alternative universe, the ALBA
alliance. (REF A) (Chavez brings to each UNGA a fresh set of
name-droppings, we learned this year that he has been
hob-nobbing with the likes of Oliver Stone, Juanes, King Juan
Carlos ("we're great friends") and Danny Glover in clogs.)
Notably missing from the initial WHA line-up was Honduran
President Zelaya already ensconced in the Brazilian Embassy
in Tegucigalpa. Most WHA speakers mentioned the coup d'etat

in Honduras and called for the restoration of President
Zelaya. Colombia's President Uribe and Panama's Martinelli
were not among them.

3.(C) THE YEAR OF HONDURAS: On one of the last days of the
General Debate, Honduran Foreign Minister Patricia Rodas
stepped in to replace President Zelaya in the General Debate.
At the podium, she whipped out her cell phone, and there, in
a special verizon moment, live from downtown Tegucigalpa was
President Zelaya urging the international community to rally
to his cause. Before the 64th Session was even convened, the
constitutional crisis in Honduras had been introduced into
the General Assembly resulting in a resolution condemning the
coup shortly after it occurred. The issue remained a source
of contention within the Group of Latin America and the
Caribbean (GRULAC) in coming months as the ALBA group led by
Venezuela maneuvered to further involve the United Nations.
At the same time, Zelaya's hosts, the Brazilians, while doing
little to resolve the crisis, became increasingly strident
about the diplomatic sanctity of their Mission in
Tegucigalpa. On October 28, there was further debate on
Honduras under the GA agenda item "The Situation in Central
America." (REF 972) In that debate, Honduran Permanent
Representative Jorge Arturo Reina pointedly thanked the U.S.
for its effort to broker a negotiated solution to the
standoff in Tegucigalpa. Long friendly to the U.S. Mission
despite Honduras's ALBA membership, Reina and his Deputy were
extremely helpful in managing the issue in New York. Reina
subsequently left New York for Honduras to become Zelaya's
appointee on the Verification Commission created to monitor
compliance with the Tegucigalpa/San Jose Agreement.


4.(U) CARICOM: With the approach of the Copenhagen
Conference, climate change headed the agenda of many
delegations at the UNGA but none more consistently than that
of members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). As the Chair
of the Association of Small Island States (AOSIS),the Perm
Rep of Grenada, Dessima Williams, had an important role in
articulating that group's joint position at the Conference.
Climate change was also a central theme of the group's
November 5 meeting with Ambassador Rice. In the absence of
Ambassador Williams, Saint Lucia's Perm Rep led the
discussion. CARICOM Perm Reps also briefed her on the small
arms trafficking problem in the Caribbean. Ambassador Rice
pointed out that as part of our effort to engage on a broad
range of issues at the United Nations we had agreed to join
consensus to begin negotiations on a Small Arms Treaty. The
third item on their agenda was the "Economic Crisis." The
Perm Rep of Barbados called for radical reform of the Bretton
Woods institutions, i.e. an expanded role for developing
countries, a familiar G-77 theme. Finally, the Jamaican
briefed the Ambassador on the status of the CARICOM project
to create a permanent memorial to the victims of slavery at
UN headquarters. A key CARICOM initiative for several years
now, the Caribbeans are getting serious about fund raising
for the project and are hopefully looking to the USG for a
contribution.

5.(U) CUBAN EMBARGO: In the General Assembly's annual
consideration of the Cuban resolution condemning the embargo,
Ambassador Rice delivered the U.S. statement emphasizing the
human rights situation in Cuba and the lack of a Cuban
response to our easing certain restrictions. With typical
hyperbole, the Cuban Foreign Minster called the embargo

"genocidal." While many countries commended the U.S. for its
recent measures, the vote was as usual a landslide in favor
of the Cuban resolution: 187-3(US)-2. Equally predictable
was the applause that greeted the vote. (REF B) It is
noteworthy, however, that another Cuban resolution focused in
a more generic fashion on the same issue -- unilateral
economic sanctions -- was approved in Second Committee by a
much less impressive margin. That resolution condemns such
sanctions but as in past years, our closest allies, the EU
and others, abstained on it. This year the vote was
(108-2(US)-53). In explanation of vote for the EU, Sweden
stated that such measures were admissible in fighting
terrorism and upholding democracy and human rights. (As in
the past, a similar EU statement was also made after the
embargo vote.) The voting pattern in Second Committee offers
hope for rebuilding the coalition supporting improved human
rights practices in Cuba if we can somehow address the
extraterritorial aspects of our sanctions regime that our
allies find so unpalatable.

6.(U) HUMAN RIGHTS RESOLUTIONS: WHA votes were again crucial
to achieving our goals on human rights in Third Committee.
This year there were no "no action" motions to confuse things
in Committee consideration of the specific country human
rights resolutions on Iran, Burma and North Korea. There
were eleven WHA delegations that voted for all three
resolutions; fourteen abstained on all three (11 Caribbeans,
Brazil, Bolivia, and Colombia). Only two voted against all
three resolutions: Cuba and Venezuela. Nicaragua voted
against the Iran and Burma resolutions but abstained on the
North Korea resolution. Ecuador abstained on Burma and North
Korea but voted against the Iran resolution. Jamaica and
Guyana also split their votes. Jamaica voted for the Burma
and North Korea resolutions but abstained on Iran. Guyana
voted for the Burma resolution but abstained on the other
two. Overall, we marginally improved the region's support on
these key votes compared to last year.


7. (SBU) DEFAMATION OF RELIGIONS AND ANTI-ISRAELI
RESOLUTIONS: Another priority vote was the OIC's Defamation
of Religions resolution. Last year only Canada and the U.S.
voted against this problematic resolution. This year in
Third Committee Chile, Mexico, Panama and Uruguay joined
Canada and the U.S. in voting "no." The final tally was
81-55(US)-43 abstentions. Twelve WHA delegations voted for
the resolution while fourteen abstained. Three Caribbean
delegations absented themselves from the vote. Sentiment is
definitely running against this resolution in the Western
Hemisphere, and it may well be possible to enlist even more
regional support in future. WHA posts' assistance was also
requested on short notice for the vote in the GA plenary on
the "Goldstone Report" (SECSTATE 112828). We had limited
traction in the region. Only two WHA delegations voted with
us against the resolution: Canada and Panama. Three
abstained Costa Rica, Colombia and Uruguay. In addition, two
friendly delegations stayed away from the vote: St. Kitts and
Nevis and Honduras. On other anti-Israeli resolutions in
support of the Palestinians, we generally held the few WHA
votes and abstentions we had in the past. Notably, the
Panamanians have been considerably more active in voting with
us on these resolutions. The Israeli Resolution on
Agricultural Technology in Development provided a good
example of ALBA voting trends. This constructive, innocuous
resolution is only the second in history run by the Israeli
delegation at the UN. When it was first presented in 2007,

every WHA delegation voted for it except Cuba which was
absent for the vote; OIC members abstained. This year all
WHA delegations again voted for the Israeli resolution except
five; Bolivia, Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Suriname (an
OIC member) abstained along with the OIC members. (Ecuador
absented itself from the vote.) Concurrently, Venezuela has
been using extreme rhetoric in its characterization of
Israel, even referring to it as "genocidal." In many cases,
they are more extreme than the Palestinians themselves.



8. (SBU) ROLE OF THE ALBA GROUP: In general, we have
witnessed in New York an increase in the anti-American
rhetoric by Venezuela and other ALBA members similar to that
reported in CARACAS 1420. At every opportunity, the BRV
delegation has attacked the U.S. A recurring theme is the
alleged "seven U.S. bases in Colombia." Chavez himself made
much of it in the General Debate. In a Third Committee
discussion of indigenous rights , the Venezuelan delegate
even found negative implications from the "bases" for
indigenous peoples. More directly, the Venezuelan Perm Rep
sent a detailed presentation to the Security Council and held
a press conference on the subject on November 25. President
Evo Morales similarly attacked the "U.S. bases" in his
General Debate comments, The Nicaraguans have been loyal
acolytes in echoing these attacks, and adding a few of their
own. In the General Debate, Foreign Minister Santos of
Nicaragua embraced the cause of Puerto Rican independence.


9. (SBU) For their part, the Cubans have chimed in on the
"bases" theme and they have also stepped up the "fuss" in New
York over the "Cuban five." (HAVANA 732) Cuban Vice Minister
Rodriguez Parrilla set the tone in his General Debate speech
calling for the release of the "five Cuban anti-terrorism"
fighters. The Cuban Perm Rep followed through in the debate
on terrorism in the Security Council. Here too the
Nicaraguans loyally join the chorus. General Assembly
President Miguel D'Escoto in his farewell address pointed to
the "serious threat" from the U.S. bases in Colombia and
called for the release of the Cuban "heroes." (REF D) In
turn, the core ALBA group seems to be coalescing around more
extreme positions in other areas. On Israeli/Palestine
issues, as noted above, they have become outspoken critics of
Israel. ALBA countries also launched a concerted attempt to
sabotage the Legal Empowerment of the Poor resolution in
Second Committee, an initiative strongly supported by the
U.S. A consensus resolution was finally approved after Brazil
and other WHA delegations weighed in to help turn back the
hostile ALBA amendments. On the U.S. sponsored Elections
Resolution in Third Committee which had over a hundred
co-sponsors, ALBA delegations (Venezuela, Cuba, Bolivia,
Nicaragua, Ecuador) voted for Russia's hostile amendment to
eliminate mention of guidelines developed by a NGO for
election observation -- the ALBA group was five of only
nineteen votes for the amendment.


10. (SBU) GRULAC: WHA Perm Reps emphasize that the deeply
divided GRULAC regional caucus addresses only UN elections,
Even with that limited agenda we are told that GRULAC
meetings are unhappy assemblies. The Venezuelans and
Nicaraguans are constantly stirring up regional discord. That
said, Brazil was unanimously backed by the GRULAC in the UNGA
vote to replace Costa Rica for one of the region's two
temporary seats in the UN Security Council. Next year
Colombia is the only declared GRULAC candidate to replace

Mexico for the region's second seat. There was some
speculation that Nicaragua might launch a challenge but at
this point it appears Colombia will be proposed as the GRULAC
consensus candidate. In two other areas, however, the GRULAC
was unable to reach consensus. A seat traditionally held by
a CARICOM member on the Advisory Committee on Administrative
and Budgetary Questions (ACABQ) was contested in Fifth
Committee by Jamaica and Haiti. It is unusual for CARICOM to
be unable to manage such disputes within the group. The
incumbent, Jamaica, won handily. Jamaica is also a candidate
for a third term on the Peace Building Commission. Peru,
which has never served on the PBC, is running an active
campaign to unseat the Jamaicans.

11.(C) SECURITY COUNCIL: Temporary Security Council members
Costa Rica and Mexico have worked well with USUN. Both,
especially the Costa Ricans, have been active in factoring
human rights considerations into UNSC activities. They have
both been helpful on major peace and security issues. The
Costa Ricans, founding members of the S-5 group of small
member states favoring reform of UNSC working methods, admit
after serving on the Council that they have a greater
appreciation of the constraints on being more inclusive in
the decision-making process. When it replaces Costa Rica,
Brazil will undoubtedly have a different agenda. It will be
looking to use its tenure to strengthen support among the
broader UN membership for realizing its long-standing
ambition to become a permanent member. At the UNGA, Brazil
has significant influence and can exert strong leadership in
producing reasonable outcomes. In the recent Second Committee
negotiations on the International Financial System and
Development resolution, the Brazilians were helpful in
beating back hostile ALBA amendments. Similarly, they played
a helpful role in reaching consensus on the Legal Empowerment
of the Poor resolution. On the other hand, their repeated
refusal to support specific country human rights resolutions
and to oppose the Defamation of Religions resolution in Third
Committee has been disappointing. In the General Assembly,
Brazil will more often than not abstain on controversial
issues.

12.(C) NOTES ON DELEGATIONS: The recently arrived Ecuadoran
Perm Rep, like his predecessor, is a former Foreign Minister,
and will, hopefully like her show some independence from the
ALBA line. The new Bolivian Charge Pablo Solon Romero is
reportedly close to President Morales. He was approachable
and encouraging on human rights issues. The Bolivian
delegation finally abstained on all three of the specific
country resolutions; the best we could expect. Chilean Perm
Rep Heraldo Munoz, long one of the most prominent Latin
American diplomats at the UN, will, if elections back home
turn out as most pundits predict, be replaced next year.
Jorge Urbina of Costa Rica emerges from his experience in the
UNSC as a more seasoned statesman and if as expected he is
asked to stay on after Costa Rican elections he will be
looking for a new role at the UN.

13.(U) SPIRIT OF the 64th: There was a definite change in
receptivity for U.S. views in the 64th Session of the UNGA.
The President's General Debate speech set the tone, and as he
promised was followed by greater willingness by the U.S.
delegation to engage with other member states on a variety of
issues. For instance, we had long been isolated in voting
against the Right to Food, a Cuban resolution, and the Rights
of the Child Resolution, with which Uruguay has always been

closely associated. At two different sessions, when the U.S.
joined consensus on these resolutions, the Third Committee
erupted into spontaneous applause. In other committees,
there were similar dramatic changes in the U.S. approach.
(REF E)

14.(C) COMMENT: Despite the increasingly confrontational
approach of ALBA members, the WHA regional group has
responded well to U.S. initiatives. The coalition of WHA
member states on human rights seems more consolidated, and we
were even able to elicit some stray abstention votes from the
ALBA group. WHA delegations warmly welcomed the U.S. approach
of engaging on many issues on which it had previously been
isolated. Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua have aligned
themselves with the most radical states in the UN, The three
of them have become among the most vociferous anti-American
delegations in the organization. Bolivia and Ecuador are
taking many radical positions, but are still not in lock-step
with the other three. As good will from our new approach to
multilateral diplomacy fades, the Cuban embargo will be one
of those issues exploited by our critics. Meanwhile, next
year in the UNSC, Brazil will at times likely be a difficult
partner.



RICE