TUNISIA ELECTIONS UPDATE: REGIME TIGHTENS THE NOOSE

C O N F I D E N T I A L TUNIS 000725 SIPDIS DEPARTMENT FOR NEA/MAG (HAYES) AND DRL (JOHNSTONE) LONDON AND PARIS FOR NEA WATCHERS E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/01/2019 TAGS: KDEM PGOV PHUM PREL TS SUBJECT: TUNISIA ELECTIONS UPDATE: REGIME TIGHTENS THE NOOSE REF: A. TUNIS 694 ¶B. TUNIS 557 ¶C. TUNIS 388 ¶D. TUNIS 167 Classified By: Ambassador Gordon Gray for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d). -------------- Summary -------------- ¶1. (C) The ruling Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) continued to solidify its political lock on elected offices with just over three weeks left before the October 25 presidential and legislative elections. The ruling party's list of legislative candidates released September 26 revealed a strategic advance by presidential son-in-law Sakhr El-Materi as a first-time legislative candidate for the Tunis second electoral district, displacing another presidential relative and apparently consolidating his position as a potential presidential successor. Independent opposition parties, meanwhile, have been painted into an increasingly narrow corner. One prominent opposition party had 20 of its 26 legislative electoral lists rejected, without (so far) any explanation, another party had 11 of its 26 lists knocked out; and a third was told its presidential candidate is ineligible to run. With the clear sense that the fix is in, public interest in the elections appears negligible. End summary. -------------- Presidential Son-in-Law Makes His Move -------------- ¶2. (C) On September 26, the ruling Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) released its lists of its candidates for the legislative elections. Of particular note was the official introduction into politics of Sakhr El-Materi, listed as a legislative candidate for Tunis' second electoral district. El- Materi's appearance on the list displaced Afif Chiboub, brother of Slim Chiboub, President Ben Ali's son-in-law (due to his marriage to Ben Ali's daughter from his first marriage). Afif Chiboub has served as first vice-president of the Chamber of Deputies for the past ten years and some observers had tipped him as a rising star within the President's family. With his replacement, El-Materi appears to be consolidating his position as a potential successor to Ben Ali. Interestingly, there has so far been no coverage by local media of El-Materi's candidacy, including in the flagship daily Al-Sabah, which he purchased earlier this year. ¶3. (C) Also conspicuously absent from the RCD's legislative list was Tijani Hadad, head of the U.S. caucus at the Chamber of Deputies. The conventional wisdom had previously held that Hadad was in line to be the next president of the Chamber of Deputies, constitutionally the next in line to the President. There is now speculation that Hadad will be compensated with a ministerial appointment. -------------- PDP's Second Round Knock-Out -------------- ¶4. (C) The Progressive Democratic Party (PDP),which had already announced that it would not field a candidate for president given the "farcical" nature of that race, reported on September 27 that provincial governors rejected 20 of 26 legislative candidate lists put forward by the party. According to the PDP, their candidates were summarily rejected, by phone and without any explanation provided. PDP contacts had earlier stressed to us that they had gone to great lengths to scrub their lists of candidates whom the Government of Tunisia (GOT) might find pretexts to reject. Our PDP interlocutors remained convinced that their electoral lists satisfied all the legal and official candidate requirements and called for the GOT to provide proof of the contrary. ¶5. (C) PDP contacts stated that only electoral lists presented in the smaller electoral districts of Kef, Siliana, Gabes, Zaghouan, and Kebili were accepted while electoral lists presented in Tunisia's principal cities were all summarily denied. Of particular concern for the PDP was the denial of its electoral list for Tunis. This list had been led by party Secretary-General Maya Jribi, who had also been touted as a potential presidential candidate. -------------- And the next President of Tunisia will be... -------------- ¶6. (SBU) On September 27, Tunisia's Constitutional Council, which regulates elections, announced the list of four candidates authorized to participate in the prospective presidential elections of October 25. The list included: Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) - President Ben Ali Popular Unity Party (PUP) - Mohammed Bouchiha United Democratic Union (UDU) - Ahmed Inoubli Et-Tajdid (Renewal Party) - Ahmed Ibrahim ¶7. (C) As noted in ref A, of Ben Ali's three opponents, one is the First Lady's cousin and another endorsed Ben Ali earlier this year, before announcing his candidacy, allegedly at the President's request. With the presidential race already comfortably locked up by Ben Ali, those seeking suspense are now speculating how wide his official margin of victory will be, and what number the government will announce as the official turnout rate. -------------- Another Opponent Pre-Empted -------------- ¶8. (SBU) The announcement by the Constitutional Council (whose 26 members are appointed by the President) on September 27 of officially recognized presidential candidates also constituted a confirmation that the candidacy of Mustapha Ben Jaafar of the Democratic Forum for Labor and Liberties (FDTL) had been rejected. The Constitutional Council apparently determined that Ben Jaafar did not meet the technical requirements of Law No. 52 of July 28, 2008 governing qualifications for presidential candidates, which amended articles 20 and 40 of the Tunisian Constitution. ¶9. (C) FDTL contacts told us that they will not contest the Constitutional Council's decision since it entailed complaining to the same (rejecting) agency for recourse. They hoped to continue to make some inroads in the legislative elections but so far had received responses, all positive, from only four of the 26 lists of candidates they submitted for the legislative elections. Several civil society contacts have questioned the political independence of the FDTL and particularly Ben Jaafar, especially after President Ben Ali personally intervened and allowed the party to hold its first national congress in May 2009, and allegedly also financed the congress. Some civil society members have even gone so far as to suggest that Ben Jaafar presenting his candidacy was merely an attempt by Ben Jaafar to retain some credibility within civil society circles. According to them, Ben Jaafar has lost most of his and the party's ideological independence and will be rewarded by the GOT with some seats in the legislative elections. -------------- Et-Tajdid also feeling the GOT jab -------------- ¶10. (C) On September 29, Et-Tajdid announced that 11 of the 26 lists the party presented for legislative elections were rejected. Similar to the PDP's experience, lists submitted in bigger governorates such as Tunis, Sfax, Gafsa and Monastir were all summarily denied. Only 10 lists presented in smaller governorates where the party believed the RCD was well-entrenched, such as Ariana, Nabeul, Jendouba, Tozeur and Gabes received final approval receipts. The party was waiting for responses on 5 lists despite the fact that the four-day deadline to receive responses had passed. Prominent and outspoken party deputy, Thameur Idriss, was informed his list presented in the governorate of Sfax was rejected for lack of conformity to the candidate law. The party believed Idriss was being made to pay for his "independent" opinions expressed in parliament and for voting against some laws presented by President Ben Ali. The party planned to hold an emergency meeting September 30 to discuss the GOT's arbitrary rejection of its legislative lists. -------------- Comment -------------- ¶11. (C) Interest in the October 25 elections remains limited to particular circles: civil society activists at home and abroad, ruling party cadres, and members of the international community. The Ben Ali regime is steadily stamping out all visible opposition and paving the way for a new generation of RCD members to take the reins. Presidential son-in-law El-Materi's foray into politics has so far been a quiet infiltration with no local media coverage of this development, although it has significant potential implications for the eventual presidential succession. With RCD candidates all but guaranteed to win their seats, El-Materi, if he stays in favor with the President and is not outflanked by rivals within the inner circles of the party, would appear poised to become, perhaps in the next five years if not sooner, the next President of the Chamber of Deputies, constitutionally the next in line for the Presidency. Independent opposition parties remain on the losing end, with no expectation of changing the status quo, instead fighting over the crumbs the regime apportions them. End comment. GRAY