DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/14/09

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E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/14/09 INDEX: (1) Poll on Aso cabinet, political parties (Asahi) (2) Poll on Aso cabinet, political parties (Yomiuri) (3) Predicament continues for Aso administration: Second extra budget clears Lower House (Mainichi) (4) Pall cast over quick implementation of economic stimulus package (Nikkei) (5) Japan should pursue a benevolent kind of capitalism, reflecting on the failure of U.S. unilateralism (Yomiuri) (6) Japan-U.S. alliance under Obama administration: Japanese politics to be tested over redefinition (Mainichi) (7) Japan hijacked by the Murayama Statement (Sankei) (8) Post-Iraq challenges (Part B): Air Self-Defense Force Air Support Command commander Kunio Orita -- Public support indispensable for overseas dispatch of SDF (Yomiuri) (9) Editorial: Let's make an increase in grant aid the first step for ODA reform (Mainichi) ARTICLES: (1) Poll on Aso cabinet, political parties ASAHI (Page 2) (Full) January 13, 2009 Questions & Answers (Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Figures in parentheses denote the results of the last survey conducted Dec. 6-7, 2008.) Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet? Yes 19 (22) No 67 (64) Q: Which political party do you support now? Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 24 (27) Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 24 (23) New Komeito (NK) 2 (2) Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 (2) Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (1) People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0) Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0 (0) New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0) Other political parties 0 (0) None 40 (38) No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 7 (7) Q: Do you think the House of Representatives should be dissolved as early as possible for a general election, or do you otherwise think there is no need to hurry? Dissolve as early as possible 54 (51) TOKYO 00000074 002 OF 016 No need to hurry 35 (40) Q: If you were to vote now in a general election for the House of Representatives, which political party would you vote for in your proportional representation bloc? LDP 25 (28) DPJ 38 (36) NK 3 (3) JCP 4 (3) SDP 1 (2) PNP 0 (0) RC 0 (0) NPN 0 (0) Other political parties 1 (1) N/A+D/K 28 (27) Q: Would you like the current LDP-led coalition government to continue, or would you otherwise like it to be replaced with a DPJ-led coalition government? LDP-led coalition 24 (29) DPJ-led coalition 44 (43) Q: Which one between Prime Minister Aso and DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa do you think is more appropriate for prime minister? Mr. Aso 26 (30) Mr. Ozawa 35 (35) Q: The government has presented a supplementary budget to the Diet. This extra budget includes a plan to hand out a total of 2 trillion yen in cash benefits to each household. Do you think it would be better to carry out this cash payout as planned by the government? Yes 28 No 63 Q: Do you think the cash handout plan is an effective economic measure? Yes 18 No 71 Q: The government, according to its draft budget for the new fiscal year, is expected to sustain a tax revenue decrease of 7 trillion yen. Meanwhile, the budget plan earmarks a spending increase of 5 trillion yen, thereby switching from fiscal reconstruction to the policy of fast-tracking economic measures. Do you appreciate this policy? Yes 33 No 41 Q: Do you have expectations for Prime Minister Aso's economic measures? Yes 24 No 70 Q: The government has decided to raise the consumption tax in three years with economic recovery as a precondition. Do you support this TOKYO 00000074 003 OF 016 decision? Yes 32 No 56 Q: In the wake of discontinuing contracts with temporary workers, there is an opinion saying the manufacturing industry should be prohibited from using temporary labor and should directly hire them instead. Meanwhile, there is also an opinion saying such a restriction on temporary labor will result in fewer job opportunities. Do you support the idea of prohibiting temporary labor in the manufacturing industry? Yes 30 No 46 Q: To what extent are you concerned about your own or your family's job and income? (One choice only) Very concerned 33 Somewhat concerned 44 Not very concerned 17 Not concerned at all 5 Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Jan. 10-11 over the telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. Respondents were chosen from among the nation's voting population on a three-stage random-sampling basis. Valid answers were obtained from 2,138 persons (58 PERCENT ). (2) Poll on Aso cabinet, political parties YOMIURI (Page 6) (Full) January 12, 2009 Questions & Answers (Figures shown in percentage) Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet? Yes 20.4 No 72.3 Other answers (O/A) --- No answer (N/A) 7.3 Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the foregoing question) Pick only one from among the following reasons for your approval of the Aso cabinet. Something can be expected of its policy measures 19.7 The prime minister has leadership 10.2 There's something stable about the prime minister 6.6 His cabinet's lineup is good 8.8 Because it's a coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and the New Komeito 45.2 O/A 2.3 N/A 7.2 Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the foregoing question) Pick only one from among the following reasons for your disapproval of the Aso cabinet. TOKYO 00000074 004 OF 016 Nothing can be expected of its policy measures 36.0 The prime minister lacks leadership 28.5 There's nothing stable about the prime minister 24.7 His cabinet's lineup is not good 1.1 Because it's a coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and the New Komeito 8.8 O/A --- N/A 0.9 Q: Which political party do you support now? Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 29.3 Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 26.2 New Komeito (NK) 3.3 Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2.1 Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1.3 People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.3 Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) --- New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) --- Other political parties --- None 35.7 N/A 1.6 Q: When comparing Prime Minister Aso and DPJ President Ozawa, who do you think is more appropriate for prime minister? Prime Minister Aso 26.8 DPJ President Ozawa 38.8 N/A 34.5 Q: Do you appreciate the government's economic stimulus measures in its draft budget for fiscal 2009? Appreciate very much 4.6 Appreciate somewhat 17.8 Don't appreciate very much 38.7 Don't appreciate at all 25.6 N/A 13.3 Q: Do you think the DPJ has come up with a counterproposal of effective economic stimulus measures? Yes 19.6 No 66.6 N/A 13.9 Q: Prime Minister Aso has proposed raising the consumption tax rate in fiscal 2011 to secure financial resources for social security, making it a precondition to see an economic turnaround. Do you appreciate this policy proposal? Appreciate very much 8.5 Appreciate somewhat 27.8 Don't appreciate very much 23.4 Don't appreciate at all 35.7 N/A 4.6 Q: The second supplementary budget for the current fiscal year includes a plan to hand out cash benefits to each and every household. Concerning this cash handout plan, there is an opinion saying the government should call it off and use the money for job and social security. Do you support this opinion? TOKYO 00000074 005 OF 016 Yes 66.9 Yes to a certain degree 11.2 No to a certain degree 6.2 No 10.5 N/A 5.1 Q: The DPJ will not cooperate in the extra budget's early passage through the Diet unless the government crosses out the cash handout plan. Do you appreciate this stance? Appreciate very much 17.5 Appreciate somewhat 26.1 Don't appreciate very much 24.6 Don't appreciate at all 22.8 N/A 9.0 Q: Do you think the LDP and its coalition partner, the New Komeito, and the DPJ and other opposition parties should confront or compromise in the current Diet session? Confront 29.2 Compromise 62.7 N/A 8.1 Q: Prime Minister Aso is not thinking about dissolving the House of Representatives for a general election until the fiscal 2009 budget and relevant bills clear the Diet. Do you appreciate this judgment? Appreciate very much 14.7 Appreciate somewhat 20.4 Don't appreciate very much 22.2 Don't appreciate at all 35.3 N/A 7.4 Q: When would you like the House of Representatives to be dissolved for a general election? Right away 32.8 Around this spring 35.9 Sometime before the current membership's expiry 28.3 N/A 3.0 Q: If an election were to be held now for the House of Representatives, which political party would you like to vote for in your proportional representation bloc? LDP 24.4 DPJ 39.2 NK 4.8 JCP 3.5 SDP 1.8 PNP 0.3 RC --- NPN 0.1 Other political parties --- Undecided 21.6 N/A 4.3 Q: What form of government would you like to see after the next election for the House of Representatives? TOKYO 00000074 006 OF 016 LDP-led coalition government 11.6 DPJ-led coalition government 21.7 LDP-DPJ grand coalition government 24.3 Government under new framework after political realignment 37.6 O/A --- N/A 4.8 Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Jan. 9-10 across the nation on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. Households with one or more eligible voters totaled 1,685. Valid answers were obtained from 1,056 persons (62.7 PERCENT ). (Note) In some cases, the total percentage does not become 100 PERCENT due to rounding. (3) Predicament continues for Aso administration: Second extra budget clears Lower House MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) January 14, 2009 Voting on the fiscal 2008 second extra budget, which took place on January 13, reflected a situation where Prime Minister remains unable to find a prospect for turning the tide and going on the offensive. Although the bill was adopted by a majority approval by the ruling parties, not only former State Minister for Administrative Reform Yoshimi Watanabe, who has just quit the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP),but also former Cabinet Office Parliamentary Secretary Kenta Matsunami abstained from the vote. It was an unexpected incident for the party executive, which had been showing confidence in containing party rebellion. Chances are that even more LDP members may shift support from Aso with an eye on a revote on related bills in the Lower House. The future of the administration, which seems to be skating on thin ice, is increasingly becoming murky. Lingering disgruntlement over fixed-sum cash benefit scheme, consumption tax hike Matsunami during the Lower House plenary session on the evening of January 13 walked up to Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Jun Matsumoto and abruptly told him, "I will leave the session now." Surrounded by reporters outside the chamber, Matsunami said, "It would not be advantageous for the LDP to move away from the will of the people over the cash benefit issue. It was a difficult decision for me." He denied the possibility of his quitting the party. However, he criticized policy debate in the LDP, saying, "There have been no discussions by rank-and-file members." A sense of relief had been permeating the LDP, following the departure of Watanabe, who had been repeatedly criticizing the administration, with one senior member saying, "I feel good now that a string of uproars has been settled." The LDP supposedly was fully prepared for the plenary session with the party malcontent having quit the party. However, the executive is apparently shocked by the rebellion in the plenary session with Secretary General Hiroyuki Hosoda saying, "It is very regrettable." Due to the unexpected rebellion by Matsunami, Diet steering by the government and the ruling parties has become even harsher. The government intends to submit the fiscal 2009 budget as well as the second extra budget bill to the Diet possibly on the 19th. In order TOKYO 00000074 007 OF 016 to have related bills to implement those two budgets enacted, it will become necessary to take a revote on them to secure approval by a majority of two-thirds or more of the members present either after the Upper House voted them down or 60 days after they were sent to the Upper House. Due to the departure of Watanabe, it is now impossible to take a revote if 16 more ruling party members rebel. Criticism of the flat-sum cash benefit scheme totaling 2 trillion yen as scattering about of pork-barrel largesse is still lingering in the LDP. Many of mid-ranking and junior members who voted for the bills approved them in a passive manner with Lower House member Koichi Yamauchi saying: "I am not totally in favor of those bills. However, I approve them from a comprehensive viewpoint." Among bills related to the fiscal 2009 budget bill, one related to the tax code could become another source of contention. The government plans to include a sales tax hike three years later in an additional clause of that bill. However, former Secretary General Hidenao Nakagawa and some other members are strongly opposing the idea, with one saying, "If such a policy is included, the next Lower House election would become a tax hike election." Diet steering is being buffeted within the ruling camp. Parliamentarians' leagues critical of the Aso administration on the 13th resumed their activities. Members of the Group of Volunteers Seeking Immediate Realization of Policies, such as former Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuhisa Shiozaki and former State Minister for Administrative Reform, held a meeting in Tokyo. Referring to their future activities, one key member of the group said: "The consumption hike issue could split the party in two. We want to replace Mr. Aso, instead of allowing the party to be split." The New Komeito is increasingly unhappy with the situation in which cabinet support ratings stand at about 20 PERCENT and ruling party members are unable to stand together over the budget bill. One party executive on the evening of the 13th told reporters, "If our party keeps itself at arm's length with the administration under a circumstance like this, major havoc could occur. We are putting up with the situation. And yet, LDP members are making selfish statements. It is infuriating." DPJ cautious about total confrontation DPJ members walked out of the plenary session, opposing the forcible passage of the bills. The party is determined to explore the best timing for returning to Diet deliberations, while checking the ruling parties' moves. It has not taken a totally confrontational stance, because it believes that boycotting deliberations would not be wise in terms of public opinion. It is also caught on the horns of a dilemma that the further it drives the Aso administration into the corner, the further Lower House dissolution will be put into the future. It will likely straddle the fence in its Diet strategy. It was not until immediately before the voting that it decided to have its members walk out of the session, because it had intended to decide its approach, depending on the outcome of polls to be released by various dailies on the weekend. Many thought that cabinet support ratings did not drop as expected, as one mid-ranking member revealed. In the end, DPJ members expressed their protest, by storming the chairman's seat at the Budget Committee meeting. One Budget Committee director said, "We wanted to avoid giving the impression that the DPJ boycotted Diet deliberations." TOKYO 00000074 008 OF 016 The image of boycotting deliberations will be received unfavorably. It will also have an adverse effect on Upper House deliberations. After the voting in the plenary session, the DPJ along with the Social Democratic Party and the People's New Party (PNP) vowed to submit an amendment bill for separating the cash benefit scheme from the bill. The DPJ will enter informal talks with the possibility of returning to deliberations from the 14th. Its stance is that if the ruing parties put off a plan to start deliberations on the budget on the 19th, it will take part in deliberations. Behind the DPJ's stance of avoiding a total confrontation with the ruling parties is its hope to see many more LDP members follow Watanabe, who has just quit the party, as it sees that a main battle will occur in March or later, when related laws will be brought to a second vote. DPJ members walked out of the session along with Watanabe by prearrangement, when the bills were brought to a vote. DPJ President Ozawa gave high scores to Watanabe, saying, "We can share a political stance with Mr. Watanabe." (4) Pall cast over quick implementation of economic stimulus package NIKKEI (Page 3) (Full) January 11, 2009 There is concern mounting among government officials that it might become difficult to implement at an early date an economic stimulus package incorporated in the fiscal 2009 budget bill. That is because although the government plans to submit a bill related to the package adopted last year to the Diet as early as before the end of this month, it cannot determine when it can be enacted due to the ongoing turmoil in the divided Diet session. If Diet deliberations come to an impasse, the expanded distribution of unemployment benefits and the establishment of emergency reserves worth 1 trillion yen, which the government plans to implement in April, could be delayed. Some government agencies have begun considering putting on hold the submission of bills due to the unclear Diet situation. The fiscal 2008 second supplementary budget, which incorporates a flat-rate cash handout program costing 2 trillion yen, will likely clear the Lower House possibly early next week (TN: Cleared on Jan. 13). The government believes that the second supplementary budget can most probably be put into force before the end of the fiscal year. However, there is concern about the implementation of measures connected with the fiscal 2009 budget bill. As such, there is no knowing whether the seamless implementation of economic stimulus measures as Prime Minister Aso noted is possible or not. For instance, there is an employment measure slated to be implemented in April. The measure is intended to shorten an expected contribution period from more than a year to more than six months so that nonpermanent workers will find it easier to contribute to employment insurance. It will also extend the duration of the payment of unemployment benefits for some types of employment insurance schemes. The employment insurance premiums, now split between the employers and the employees, will be lowered by 0.4 PERCENT to 0.8 PERCENT . Preconditions for these proposals are an amendment to the employment insurance law. However, what approach the Democratic Party of Japan will make is unclear at the present stage. TOKYO 00000074 009 OF 016 The future course of related laws to secure revenues is also the focus of attention. Revenues sources for the emergency reserve fund worth 1 trillion yen to prepare for a sudden change in economic conditions are the rate fluctuations reserve fund in the government's fiscal investment and loan program account. However, that reserve fund cannot be used until a special exemption bill stipulating a transfer of funds in the fiscal investment and loan program to the general account is enacted. Since funds from that reserve fund are also used to cover an increase in local tax grants, there is a possibility of possible derailment of the allocation program could affect local finances. The government has begun looking into measures to cope with a case in which Diet deliberations reach an impasse. It is possible to apply tax cuts, going back to the beginning of the year. In lowering the employment insurance rate, the government is planning such measures as to return over-charged portions later. Policy management in fiscal 2008 was thrown into chaos due to the confrontation between the ruling and opposition parties caused by the divided Diet. The budget was enacted by the end of March 2008. However, the passage of a bill amending the special tax measures bill and a special exemption bill for the issuance of public funds public bonds to secure revenues was carried over to the end of April. Following the expiration of the provisional tax rate applied to the gas tax expiring, a decline in revenues incurred by the state alone reached approximately 140 billion yen. Some bills, such as one for increasing the state contribution to the basic pension in stages, failed to secure Diet approval. The government plans to submit more than 20 budget-related bills to the regular Diet session. However, some ministries and agencies will decide whether to submit their bills or not after carefully determining the Diet situation. The Internal Affairs Ministry had been looking into submitting an amendment to the Radio Law intended to clarify government expenditures for the introduction of a digital terrestrial broadcasting system. However, it has now begun considering putting the plan on hold. A senior official of a certain economy-related agency said, "There could be a general election anytime soon. If there is the possibility of bills we submit being killed, we would be better off not to submit them." A somber mood is spreading in Kasumigaseki. (5) Japan should pursue a benevolent kind of capitalism, reflecting on the failure of U.S. unilateralism YOMIURI (Page 1 & 2) (Full) January 11, 2009 By Yasuhiro Nakasone, former prime minister The world has been at a historic major turning point since the start of the 21st century. At such a time, a financial crisis has assailed the world. The U.S.-triggered financial crisis has exposed the weaknesses of U.S. capitalism and the principle of focusing on market mechanisms. As a result, the U.S. has begun to take policies deviating from its conventional laissez-faire approach, as seen from the U.S. government's decision to provide the Big Three automakers with massive funds in a bid to avoid their collapse. The government's TOKYO 00000074 010 OF 016 intervention in the market is expected to increase in the future. I expect the incoming administration of the President-elect Barack Obama to bid farewell to the Bush administration's unilateralism and adopt multilateralism. The U.S. played a leading role in the postwar world, but the financial crisis has undermined its leadership ability. With a change in the way the world assesses the U.S., major countries in Asia, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America can be expected to have a stronger voice. The international community might begin to place emphasis on the specific characteristics of the various regions of the world. The laissez-faire principle used by the U.S. in its economic policy lacks humanity. In other words, it was a sort of heartless capitalism. Now that the capitalism's limits was revealed in the wake of the financial crisis, European countries, Japan, and China should adopt policies and measures based on their own histories, cultures and traditions, I think. The issue of unfair dismissal of temporary workers is a result of the liberalization of the labor market that was part of then Prime Minister Koizumi's structural reforms, which were in line with the U.S.' laissez-faire principle. The lifetime employment system had long been preferred by Japanese society. I think Japan will revive a kind of "benevolent capitalism" over time. Japanese-style capitalism will return. Japanese politicians and business leaders have been too preoccupied with the challenge of how to end the ongoing economic crisis. But they should work out measures to deal with crises based on a new approach in a new age. To cope with the current economic crisis, political leaders must study hard and elaborate plans. Then, they must prepare a strategy to implement bold measures and allocate the right persons to the right positions. Politicians eager to become leaders should form a group of academics, business leaders and other intellectuals and draw up domestic and foreign policies or strategies. Although I do not know how eagerly incumbent politicians are making such preparations, this is the cardinal point in politics. Among current Japanese politicians, many are of limited caliber. In the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ),many members hold hereditary Diet seats. The scope of candidates for the Diet has been narrowed down, so even people with much talent now find it difficult to enter politics. The single-seat election system for the House of Representatives has also produced unfavorable effects. Under the medium-sized election district system, various types of politicians were produced and debates on wide-ranging issues were conducted. Under the single-seat system, however, candidates take up only backyard matters in narrow electoral districts in the election campaign, setting aside such long-term issues as how Japan should deal with the global upheaval and what policies the government should take, eyeing a Japan 30 years or 50 years from now. As a result, Japanese politics has become small-scale. Political parties come up with their respective views, but they are also required to discuss international relations and key domestic TOKYO 00000074 011 OF 016 issues from a broad point of view and to act in concert. But such a situation is unlikely before the next House of Representatives election, which is to take place sometime before September. It is quite natural for the public to call for an early general election so that a strong new government can address the current crisis. I think the Lower House will be dissolved during a period from May through July in the last phase of the ordinary Diet session. In view of the difference in the number of seats held by the LDP and the DPJ, the LDP may be able to remain as the leading party, but it is more likely, I think, that the two parties will stand side by side. In this case, the two parties should work together to deal with the economic crisis, as well as diplomatic and security issues. In the U.S., the Obama administration will be inaugurated on Jan. ¶20. Japan in a sense is also in a stage of developing new politics. Now that the U.S. finds itself overwhelmed by the financial crisis, this should be a good opportunity for Japan to have its say and take action from a higher perspective. The ongoing financial crisis has prompted the world to shift from a structure that relies heavily on the U.S. to a multipolar system that does not. The world is becoming more aware of the need for closer cooperation among countries both politically and economically. This awareness brought about the financial summit held recently by 20 countries and region. In order for Japan to protect its national interests and make international contributions under such a circumstance, politicians must map out a global strategy and pull together. The financial crisis has seriously damaged the U.S. and Europe, but Japan and China are said to have been damaged only slightly. Japan has massive personal assets. Leaders in the political and business worlds must take action after pondering how to make use of this advantageous position and overcome the global crisis. (6) Japan-U.S. alliance under Obama administration: Japanese politics to be tested over redefinition MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) January 14, 2009 Next year will mark the 50th anniversary of the conclusion of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. Some have suggested that the government, taking this opportunity, should redefine the Japan-U.S. alliance and the Japan-U.S. security arrangements. In Japan, former Defense Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi and others have insisted on that necessity, given changes in the security environment with diversifying threats, such as international terrorism. Some might take the view that the U.S. government's delisting of North Korea as a state sponsor of terrorism has undermined the Japan-U.S. alliance. Some in the U.S. also take the view that the U.S.'s involvement in the Asia-Pacific region and its policies toward the region became less substantial under the Bush administration. Included among those taking this view is former Assistant Secretary of Defense Joseph Nye, a member of the foreign policy team of President-elect Barack Obama. He has been unofficially nominated as ambassador to Japan. He TOKYO 00000074 012 OF 016 was one of the advocates for redefining the alliance in the 1990s. The Japanese Foreign Ministry has cited environment contamination, poverty, infectious diseases, and other global issues as themes to be tackled jointly by Japan and the U.S. Nye has proposed a change to "smart power," a combination of military "hard power" and "soft power" including political power and cultural influence as a diplomatic tool. Japan will certainly be able to tackle such themes jointly with the incoming Obama administration. Even so, the focus in discussing specifics for redefinition will inevitably be on measures to strengthen cooperation in the security and military areas. Nye, former Deputy Secretary of State Armitage, and others called on Japan in their past reports to change the Japanese government's interpretation of the Constitution, which prohibits the use of the right to collective self-defense. The past redefinition process was completed with a review of the Guidelines for Defense Cooperation in 1997, based on the 1996 Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration on Security. Afterward, Japan enacted legislation to enable Self-Defense Force troops to offer rear support for the U.S. military and started international contributions in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on the U.S. As it stands, the regions and contents of SDF activities have expanded during this period. But Japan cleared discussions on the interpretation of the Constitution on logistic support by defining combat zones and combat zones and avoided discussions on the right to collective self-defense by specifying its cooperation in the War in Afghanistan as participation in the international war on terror. The focus of discussion in the next redefinition process will avoidably be on the exercise of the right to collective self-defense. But the government of the Liberal Democratic Party and the New Komeito has put this issue on the backburner. In the next general election, which will be carried out this year, a change of government might take place. The Democratic Party of Japan has not revealed its view about the right to collective self-defense. Defense and foreign officers were involved in the redefinition process in the 1990's. Dr. Ezra Vogel, who pushed ahead with the work with Nye, said that a senior Defense Agency official had proposed holding a discussion only among bureaucrats without politicians. Politicians must take the lead in redefining the Japan-U.S. alliance, which will affect the foundation of security policy. The political party that will come into power in the next general election will be tested over the challenge of redefinition. (7) Japan hijacked by the Murayama Statement SANKEI (Page 13) (Abridged slightly) January 14, 2009 The furor over the controversial essay written by former Air Self-Defense Force Chief of Staff Toshio Tamogami has escalated. There is now a review going on of the selection of the instructors for courses on historical and state views started during Tamogami's tenure as head of Joint Staff College. The lecture courses in question are extra courses at the college, a training institute for TOKYO 00000074 013 OF 016 Self-Defense Force brass officers. The (Japanese Communist Party's organ daily) Akahata and the like have persistently charged that the college was slanted toward selecting conservative individuals to teach the courses. In reaction to the accusation, Defense Minister Yasukazu Hamada said on Nov. 21: "It is difficult to conclude that the selection of the lecturers was appropriate. We would like to review the courses." Admiral Takashi Saito, Chief of Staff, Joint Staff, also told on Dec. 16 members of the Upper House Foreign and Defense Affairs Committee who had toured the college: "Some courses lack a sense of balance. We must consider the selection of the lecturers and the contents of the lectures." In addition to the selection of lecturers in courses for rank-and-file SDF members, the contents of those courses, and even the courses at the National Defense Academy are being examined to determine if they are in line with the Murayama Statement (of apology for World War II). Reportedly, leftist political parties eager to scrutinize the matter are examining the selection of all writers for SDF-related magazines and newspapers and what they wrote. The Defense Ministry and the SDF are being taken over by the Murayama Statement. Under such circumstances, will SDF personnel be able to maintain their morale? I am concerned that such a trend might spread to public education, as well. The Basic Education Law that was revised two years ago stipulates to "cultivate a mind that respects tradition and culture and that loves the nation and homeland that have fostered them." The teaching guidelines were revised, albeit insufficiently, in March ¶2008. Once the Murayama Statement ties the hands of the government bureaucracy, children at public school would have to be taught that "during a certain period in the not too distant past, Japan, following a mistaken national policy, advanced along the road to war, only to ensnare the Japanese people in a fateful crisis, and, through its colonial rule and aggression, caused tremendous damage and suffering to the people of many countries, particularly in Asia." This would naturally be reflected in the textbook screening process, as well. What the Basic Education Law calls for might turn into pie in the sky. The ideal could turn into mere shell as a result of the Murayama Statement taking precedence over the Basic Education Law. Even if the Constitution is amended in the near future and the SDF is defined properly, the SDF would by analogy remain in line with the Murayama Statement as long as it is upheld. Such a body would be a far cry from the national army of a normal country. Even though the Murayama Statement's origin raises some issues, the statement is the government's view. Under the banner of the Murayama Statement, specific forces press the government and related organizations to underpin the government's view. Because it is the government's view, people cannot openly object to the Murayama Statement even thorough they know that it has some problems. They have to back down. In Japan, there are principles that are convenient for specific TOKYO 00000074 014 OF 016 forces. The Kono Statement on the so-called comfort women issue, the neighboring country clause of school textbook screening, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Basic Law for a Gender-Equal Society are some examples. (Specific forces) present their assertions by pushing those principles to the forefront. The origins and the bases of those principles, including the Murayama Statement, present problems, and government-connected people are aware of that. Because all those principles were authorized by the government, people connected with the government must back down when those principles are put forward. The series of problems deriving from the Tamogami essay has made clear that such exist. As long as such principles exist, amendments to the Basic Education Law and the Constitution would be subject to them. Oddly enough, those principles, taking precedence over the Constitution and the Basic Education Law, would turn themselves into dead letters. To prevent that, there is no other way but to make those principles relative. The only way to prevent the country's education, administration, diplomacy, and education from being taken over by those principles is to make clear that the roots and the bases of the principles which specific forces are putting up as their banners have some problems and to reexamine them fundamentally. Those principles must not be monopolized by specific forces. (8) Post-Iraq challenges (Part B): Air Self-Defense Force Air Support Command commander Kunio Orita -- Public support indispensable for overseas dispatch of SDF YOMIURI (Page 12) (Full) January 9, 2009 Interviewed by Hidemichi Katsumata, senior writer Sixteen years since (Japan's first) peacekeeping operations (occurred) in Cambodia, the Self-Defense Forces have finally passed a practical test, having accomplished overseas duties that can only be performed by a military organization. With five year of experience in carrying out a mission in Iraq, I think the "new driver sticker" has been removed from the SDF's international cooperation activities. (The SDF) can now perform with confidence the level of duties other countries regard as natural. But there still remain many challenges. One of them is the continued argument that the SDF must be dispatched to safe areas out of fear, since the Cambodia mission (when a policeman was killed) that SDF troops might become embroiled in battles overseas. Although the areas in Iraq to which the Ground and Air Self-Defense Forces were dispatched were called non-combat zones, troops of the two forces at times felt their lives were in danger. The argument to send the SDF only to safe places must be altered in accordance with reality. Another is that unless national opinion supports the dispatch of the SDF to areas that are not safe, Japan's international contributions might collapse. During the U.S. presidential campaign, Senator Barack Obama objected TOKYO 00000074 015 OF 016 to the Iraq war on the one hand and continued to say that he would pray for the safe return of troops on the other, and the public supported that. While in Japan, people chanted slogans against the deployment of SDF troops to Iraq at the camps and bases where those troops and their families lived. SDF personnel do not voluntarily join overseas missions. What are the objectives for sending SDF troops to international cooperative operations? They must be clearly defined in relation to the country's security policy. In a speech, (President-elect Barack) Obama said: "To those who would tear the world down, we will defeat you." As seen from this, he has strong feeling toward the war on terror in Afghanistan. To accomplish the mission there, he is expected to ask Japan, a U.S. ally, for contributions. Now that Japan has passed the test and no longer carries a "new driver sticker," our country is expected to be asked for transporting (supplies) to Afghanistan's capital of Kabul. Such a mission would be less difficult than the activities in Iraq. Nevertheless, as was in Iraq, the mission would be carried out by a C-130 transport unit, so there is a question of their mental health. If Japan is to join the war on terror in Afghanistan, the government must spell out its objectives and significance and the public must support it. Otherwise, SDF personnel might say: Not again! Former U.S. Ambassador to Japan Michael Armacost once said: "An alliance is like a garden. Without constant care, the garden will fall into ruin." As they expended sweat (with foreign troops) in Iraq, SDF troops must go when the government says so in order to maintain a sense of solidarity. That is why public support and understanding are essential. In Iraq, Japan relied heavily on the United States on everything from intelligence to the emergency rescue setup. In Afghanistan, as well, Japan would have to depend on the United States in order to carry out operations. It is important to become aware of one's own weaknesses. The pragmatism of utilizing the good offices of the United States is also necessary. (9) Editorial: Let's make an increase in grant aid the first step for ODA reform MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) January 10, 2009 A change appeared in the government's official development assistance (ODA) budget request for fiscal 2009. In it, the government has increased for the first time in nine years the initial budget request for grant assistance and technical cooperation, which is carried out by the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). The budget for ODA projects has been expanded by 1.3 percent from the previous year, rising from 1.5724 trillion yen in the initial budget for fiscal 2008 to 1.8 trillion yen. Japan pledged to boost its ODA budget in the Fourth Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD IV) held at the end of last May, as well as in the Group of Eight (G-8) Summit held in Hokkaido last July. TOKYO 00000074 016 OF 016 Until 2000, Japan was the largest aid donor in the world. However, the total that Japan spent for ODA projects in 2007 saw it ranked fifth in the world. This is because Japan has slashed the ODA budget along with other budgets based on its fiscal reconstruction policy, ever though the United States and European countries have increased their aid budgets. In compiling the budget for fiscal 2009, the ODA budget will be cut by four percent or 672.2 billion yen from the initial budget for fiscal 2008. As such, there is no change in the government policy of reducing ODA spending. How was the government able to raise the amount of grant aid for Africa and other countries? Will it really be possible to increase the number of ODA projects? The biggest reason for the increase in the amount of grant aid is a remarkable boost in the rate of collection of reimbursable aid (yen loans),one resource for the ODA program, which now accounts for about 50 percent of the ODA budget. In fiscal 2009, a total of 380 billion yen, which is up 60 billion yen from the amount for fiscal 2008, has been allocated to yen loans. Since the funds for the fiscal investment and loan program (FILP) have increased, funds for yen loans paid out of the general account could be drastically slashed. The total project scale will be raised by 50 billion yen or from 770 billion yen to 820 billion yen. ODA is Japan's main tool for making international contributions. Therefore, it is not desirable for Japan to reduce ODA projects and fall farther down the list of donors. It would be safe to say that it is an improvement that the government has made it a policy to maintain all planned ODA projects in the budget. However, Japan still cannot boast about its ODA program. The ratio of Japan's ODA to its gross national income remains at a low level, similar to the situation the United States is in. Moreover, the scale of ODA projects at the budget stage remains but a projection. Since it takes a long time for an ODA project using yen loans to reach the implementation stage, results cannot be seen soon. In order for Japan to raise its ranking on the list of aid donors, it must secure adequate funding for several years. To that end, it will need to increase disbursements from the general account budget, as well. It is safe to say that the international presence of Japan's aid has been low for the last few years. The reason is that Japan has not extended assistance in accordance with the size of its economy. It is only natural also to improve the quality of aid, but aid in quantitative terms and projects should be increased. In a bid to reform the ODA program, the increase in grant aid for fiscal 2009 should not be one-time only. Japan needs measures to boost the entire ODA budget for fiscal 2010. SCHIEFFER