DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 11/13/09

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 13 TOKYO 002629 SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 11/13/09 INDEX: (1) Japanese, U.S. leaders to hold meeting tonight (Sankei) (2) U.S. presidential visit serves as indicator to gauge degree of importance U.S. attaches to Japan (Mainichi) (3) What could happen after Obama's visit to Japan (Sankei) (4) Discord in Japan-U.S. relationship (Part 1): Different views on "equal alliance"; inadequate channels of communication (Yomiuri) (5) Discord in Japan-U.S. relationship (Part 2): Increasing concerns among neighboring countries; perception gap on cost of security (Yomiuri) (6) Editorial: U.S. President Obama's visit to Japan - Situation of uncertainty must be corrected (Sankei) (7) Editorial: Afghan assistance; Japan should make bold efforts to do whatever it can (Asahi) (8) LDP coordinating Futenma relocation outside Okinawa (Okinawa Times) (9) Nago mayor to welcome alternative plan for Futenma relocation (Okinawa Times) ARTICLES: (1) Japanese, U.S. leaders to hold meeting tonight YOMIURI (Page 1) (Full) Evening, November 13, 2009 U.S. President Barack Obama will arrive in Japan this afternoon - the first leg of his first tour of Asia since taking office. He will meet with Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama at the Prime Minister's Official Resident tonight. The two leaders will later hold a joint press conference. They are expected to reaffirm the need for Japan and the U.S. to strengthen cooperation on assistance for Afghanistan, nuclear arms reduction, global warming and other global issues. High on the agenda in the summit meeting will be: (1) Japan-U.S. relations; (2) Japan-U.S. cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region; and (3) Japan-U.S. cooperation on global issues. They are also expected to issue joint statements on a nuclear-free world, the global environment, and on economic exchanges. Regarding global warming countermeasures, Japan and the U.S. will include in the statement their target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 80 PERCENT by 2050 and their cooperation in developing energy technologies related to environmental protection. The two countries will not bring up the thorny issue of relocating the U.S. Military Corps' Futenma Air Station in the summit meeting, but Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa stated in a press conference after a cabinet meeting this morning: "I expect the two leaders will confirm the need to bring about an early settlement." (2) U.S. presidential visit serves as indicator to gauge degree of importance U.S. attaches to Japan TOKYO 00002629 002 OF 013 MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) November 13, 2009 Question: President Barak Obama will visit Japan. What does a U.S. presidential visit to Japan mean? Reporter: I think the significance of a visit to Japan by an incumbent U.S. president has gradually changed with the times. In November 1974, almost 30 years after World War II, President Gerald Ford made the first U.S. presidential visit to Japan. This presidential visit had a significant symbolic meaning. This is because a visit to Japan by President Dwight Eisenhower was planned in 1960, but the plan was cancelled immediately before the presidential visit because demonstrations to protest the revision of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty were intensifying in Japan. As a result, there was a long period of "one-way" visits in which Japanese prime ministers went to Washington. Japanese people sarcastically called the series of visits by prime ministers "sankinkoutai," a practice which obligated lords to live in Edo and each of their own feudal domains for a year during the Edo period. It was believed that President Ford's Japan visit was the first step to building a relationship of equality between Japan and the United States. Question: How about after 1974? Answer: Including the visit this time around by President Obama, the number of U.S. presidential Japan visits totals 17. On average, a U.S. presidential visit has taken place once every two years, signifying that the "one-way" relationship is definitely over. In the 1990s, comparisons between U.S. presidential visits to Japan and to China, including the lengths of the president's stay in the two countries, started to become a topic of our conversation. For example, when President Clinton visited China in June 1998, he stayed there for nine days. However, he did not even stop in Tokyo on his way back to the United States. He visited Japan in November of that year, but only stayed in Tokyo for two days. The U.S.'s stance of placing priority on China was called "Japan-passing." Some people view a U.S. presidential visit as an indicator to gauge which countries the United States places the most emphasis. Question: What did former U.S. presidents do during their Japan visits? Answer: In a meeting between a prime minister and a president, discussion on security and economic issues and challenges for bilateral cooperation is essential. In addition to a courtesy call on the Emperor and speeches at the Diet and universities, many former presidents had opportunities to enjoy Japanese traditional culture and communicate with the Japanese people. When President Clinton visited Japan for the first time to attend the G-7 Summit in 1993, he watched an amateur baseball game at Jingugaien where he stopped briefly while taking a walk. The players were really surprised. President George Bush, who visited Japan in February 2003, went to see yabusame (a type of Japanese archery). He also went to a Japanese pub with Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. One U.S. president came to Japan to attend the Emperor Showa's funeral while another one visited Tokyo to attend Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi's funeral. TOKYO 00002629 003 OF 013 (3) What could happen after Obama's visit to Japan SANKEI (Page 7) (Abridged slightly) November 12, 2009 Kunihiko Miyake, visiting professor at Ritsumeikan University and research director of the Canon Institute for Global Studies President Barack Obama will finally arrive in Japan on Nov. 13 for the first time since taking office. A "game of chicken" between Japan and the United States over Futenma Air Station is likely to be averted, at least for the time being. Everyone is hoping that nothing will go wrong during the visit, and everyone concerned will be holding their breath for the next two days. The "importance of the bilateral alliance" and the "success of the presidential visit" will be emphasized on the surface. But in my view the upcoming presidential visit reveals a larger gap between rhetoric and reality than I've seen for a long time. (The upcoming Japan-U.S. summit meeting) is likely to focus on such issues as global warming and support for Afghanistan, putting aside the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan for the time being. It seems as if preventing the President's Japan visit from ending in failure has become a goal in and of itself. Will the issue be settled after Obama's Japan visit ends safely? This is unlikely. After the APEC summit, President Obama will officially visit China and South Korea starting on Nov. 15. The While House will probably conduct a careful review of the President's East Asia tour after he returns home. The upcoming tour will be a rare opportunity for President Obama, who has been preoccupied with domestic affairs and the Afghan issue, to consider how the United States should deal with Asia. China and South Korea are certain to give President Obama hospitable receptions in a bid to give the impression that they are important countries. President Hu Jintao, who already began his visit to Malaysia and Singapore on Nov. 10, has started working on Southeast Asian countries. China has been making thorough preparations for the upcoming U.S.-China summit in Beijing. What about Japan? The recent summit talks with Mekong countries went over very well. But I hear that during a visit to Japan by U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates, China and North Korea were hardly discussed, with the Okinawa issue taking the center stage. If these issues of strategic importance have not been discussed fully between the cabinet ministers of Japan and the United States prior to the presidential visit, it will cause serious problems. The biggest reason is that the Hatoyama cabinet is still in an election mode rather than in a governing mode. The desire to win next year's House of Councillors election to stabilize the administration is understandable. But if foreign affairs are neglected as a result of giving high priority to domestic affairs, national interests will be undermined in the end. Although the focus of the Futenma issue has already shifted to whether it can be settled by the end of the year, the prospects are nil. If (the cabinet) cannot decide on a matter now, can it make a decision in several months' time? If a decision is postponed until TOKYO 00002629 004 OF 013 next year, (the cabinet) might be tempted to delay its decision once again on the grounds of internal circumstances at the time. If Japan repeats such a thing even after next year's Upper House election, "distrust in Japan" might result in a "review of Japan's role." If Japan becomes undependable as an ally, the United States will have to directly make deals with China and other countries. "Japan passing" -- a trauma that has been around since (then National Security Advisor) Henry Kissinger's visit to China (in 1971) -- might become a reality. Even if Obama's Japan visit turns out to be a "resounding success," Japan-U.S. security relations that are already damaged will not be restored easily. I do not mean to cry wolf, but the Hatoyama administration should be prepared to start from scratch on its policy toward the United States after Obama's visit. I do not know who is putting ideas into the head of Prime Minister Hatoyama, but no matter how you look at it, the Democratic Party of Japan's foreign policy is void of a strategic viewpoint. Japan's foreign policy of avoiding making decisions by attaching too much importance to domestic affairs will sooner or later hit a dead end. Advocating an "equal Japan-U.S. relationship," the Hatoyama administration's desire to avoid making a decision on the Futenma relocation issue in the form of yielding to U.S. pressure is understandable to some extent. Nevertheless, the longer a decision is delayed, the more momentum the image of giving in to foreign pressure will gain. I hope to see Prime Minister Hatoyama make an independent decision soon after Obama's visit, demonstrating political courage. (4) Discord in Japan-U.S. relationship (Part 1): Different views on "equal alliance"; inadequate channels of communication YOMIURI (Pages 1, 4) (Full) November 12, 2009 Yoshikazu Shirakawa, Shinichi Murao, Chikara Shima, and Satoshi Ogawa (Washington) U.S. President Barack Obama will make his first visit to Japan tomorrow, Nov. 13. Tokyo will be the first place the President visits on his 8-day tour of Asia, but the Japan-U.S. alliance is in flux at present. This is because the two countries do not have a common understanding of the "equal Japan-U.S. relationship" advocated by the Hatoyama administration. Right now, the relocation of the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa has become what amounts to the top pending issue between Japan and the United States. The two governments decided to create a new cabinet-level working group on Nov. 10. This is the first concrete step agreed upon by the Hatoyama and Obama administrations to resolve the problem. This proposal came from U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell. It upholds the U.S. position that "the current plan is the only option" while creating a venue for dialogue, and was a result of the U.S. side's compromise in a attempt to come to a common understanding with the Hatoyama administration on the notion of "equality" that it advocates. The two governments agreed in 2006 to move the Futenma base from its current location in Ginowan City, Okinawa, to Nago City in northern TOKYO 00002629 005 OF 013 Okinawa and to complete the relocation by 2014. However, the position of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada is that this agreement has practically been "annulled" with the change of administration. The U.S. side, which, according to a State Department source, had thought "it is impossible for an agreement between allies to be overturned; Japan is probably looking for a middle ground," finally realized the seriousness of the situation in mid-October, less than one month before the President's visit. The Japanese side had also misunderstood the U.S. side's basic thinking. Hatoyama had reckoned that Afghan aid measures to replace the refueling mission by the Maritime Self-Defense Force in the Indian Ocean, which will be withdrawn in January, "are a much more important issue for the President (than Futenma relocation)." It was thought that presenting Afghan aid measures would allow postponing a solution to the Futenma issue. However, it goes without saying that the U.S. believes, according to a senior Ministry of Foreign Affairs official, that "the Japan-U.S. alliance is founded on the stable use of U.S. military bases in Japan." That is the main reason why the alliance continued for 50 years after the revision of the Japan-U.S. security treaty. International contribution by the Self-Defense Forces started after the end of the Cold War. There are also various constraints on this contribution, such as restrictions on the use of weapons, which makes it possible for other countries to fill in for Japan where necessary. However, it is geopolitically difficult to find a replacement for U.S. military bases in Japan. A former senior U.S. Defense Department official said: "We do not think a downgrading of Japan's capability and share of the cost constitutes 'equality'." He added: "The image of an equal alliance should be considered in terms of the balance between the responsibilities and the benefits as an ally." Hatoyama explained at the House of Representatives Budget Committee on Nov. 2 that "equality" means asserting Japan's position. He said: "I have long talked about (Japan and the U.S.) becoming equal partners. It is a relationship in which Japan will convey its opinion firmly to the U.S, even if its thinking is different from the U.S.'s, in the process of reaching a conclusion." How can the perception gap be narrowed from now on? Will the President's first visit to Japan be an occasion for both sides to seek ways to close the gap? During a one-hour meeting with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in Singapore on Nov. 11, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada suddenly started to talk about history. "During the Second World War, although 12,000 U.S. soldiers were killed in Okinawa, some 100,000 civilians also died. That is the reason why the people of Okinawa have different thoughts about the Japanese government." This was meant to explain the background to Hatoyama's statement on "giving full consideration to the Okinawan people's feelings" on the question of relocating the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station within the prefecture to Nago City, but there was no reaction from Secretary Clinton. A government source explained: "How can the U.S. side respond? They think that after more than 10 years the TOKYO 00002629 006 OF 013 relocation plan has won wide-spread acceptance among local people, and Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell, who works for Mrs. Clinton, was at the center (of the relocation plan)." Campbell has been deeply involved with the Futenma issue as deputy assistant secretary of defense since the Hashimoto and Clinton administrations agreed on the return of the Futenma base in 1996. In a recent book, Campbell reveals that at the time of the turnover to the Republican Bush administration in 2001, he "was very worried if this extremely complicated Futenma issue could be smoothly handed over to the next administration." A senior Okinawa Prefectural Government official criticizes Hatoyama as "irresponsible." He says: "No one likes military bases. It is cruel to make the Nago citizens decide. They have accepted (the relocation plan) reluctantly despite such sentiments." This was in reaction to Hatoyama's statement that he will decide on the relocation issue after looking at the outcome of the Nago mayoral election in January. A factor behind Okinawa's discontent is that there are no effective channels of communication between the Hatoyama administration and Okinawa. Likewise, the channels of communication between Japan and the U.S. are inadequate. It was only on Nov. 10 that a formal decision was made on creating a venue for finding a solution on the Futenma issue. When Campbell met Okada at MOFA on Nov. 5, the Japanese participants could not believe their ears when Campbell suggested "creating a high-level venue for exchange of views by a few participants." Campbell had proposed creating a venue of dialogue on the Futenma issue, on which the U.S. side had insisted strongly that the current plan is the only option. Okada responded immediately with: "Let's do it at the cabinet level." For the Hatoyama administration, which upholds political leadership, the proposal for direct consultations at a "high level," and not by bureaucrats, was a timely offer. It was decided at the meeting that a panel with Okada, Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa, Clinton, and Defense Secretary Robert Gates as official members will be announced before the President's visit. During Gates's visit to Japan on Oct. 20, the U.S. side had just pressed Japan to implement the existing relocation plan, Gates turning red in the face as he made this demand. Campbell's proposal meant that the U.S. side had shifted from its strategy of applying pressure with just two weeks before the Obama visit. The U.S. side, which had been groping in the dark, also made some gains with this proposal for a new forum. The two governments also agreed to "resolve the issues relating to this problem speedily." A senior MOFA official observes that, "At least the Prime Minister's policy to take time to consider this problem has been retracted. This is significant." Solid channels of communication have not been built between the Hatoyama administration, which works under the slogans of "political leadership" and "equal Japan-U.S. relationship," and the Obama administration. For now, bureaucrats on both sides act as TOKYO 00002629 007 OF 013 intermediaries. Channels of communication with Okinawa have also yet to be established. (Part one of two-part series) (5) Discord in Japan-U.S. relationship (Part 2): Increasing concerns among neighboring countries; perception gap on cost of security YOMIURI (Pages 1, 4) (Full) November 13, 2009 Yoshikazu Shirakawa, Shinichi Murao, Chikara Shima, and Satoshi Ogawa (Washington) The morning of Nov. 9 was exceptionally warm for this time of the year. The Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) escort ship "Ikazuchi" set sail from Yokosuka base for refueling operations in the Indian Ocean. Since the new special anti-terrorism measures law, the legal authorization for the refueling mission, is expiring in January, this will, in effect, be the last ship to participate in the mission. Reflecting the Hatoyama's negative stance on the refueling mission, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa were not among those to see off the MSDF vessel. Refueling operations for ships of the United States and other countries started as a measure to support the war against terrorism after the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the U.S. in 2001. Except for a short interruption due to the opposition of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ),the mission has continued for approximately eight years. This mission has been rated highly internationally as Japan's "manpower contribution," and the UN Security Council for three consecutive years has adopted in October a resolution expressing "appreciation". However, the DPJ, since its days in the opposition, has opposed this mission, claiming that it does not contribute to aid for Afghanistan. Hatoyama announced officially at the House of Councillors Budget Committee on Nov. 10 that the refueling mission will not be extended. The Obama administration says it "understands Japan's decision." However, at the U.S. Congress, even House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi, a liberal opposed to sending additional troops to Afghanistan, expressed displeasure at a news conference: "It is regrettable because U.S. military involvement continues." This reflected the mixed feelings about Japan. The fact that Japan and the U.S. have suddenly begun to operate on different wavelengths less than two months after the inauguration of the new administration in Japan has also created a stir in other countries. During his meeting with a mid-ranking official of the DPJ in late October, Australian Ambassador to Japan Murray McLean asked: "Is everything okay? Tell me if there is anything I can do to help." He expounded on the indispensability of a good Japan-U.S. relationship for stability in Asia and the Pacific and conveyed the concerns of Australia as a U.S. ally like Japan about the present situation. South Korea, which is always sensitive about the activities of the Self-Defense Forces (SDF),has also shown interest. The Oct. 24 issue of Chosun Ilbo carried a report praising the Japan-U.S. TOKYO 00002629 008 OF 013 alliance: "The U.S. and the Liberal Democratic Party administration agreed on the U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) realignment plans in consideration of deterrence against China's expanding military power and North Korea's missiles." It also notes that the U.S. military bases in Okinawa "play the role of protecting South Korea," conveying concerns about the impact on security on the Korean peninsula. Even China, which is suspicious of the Japan-U.S. alliance, pays great attention to the Hatoyama administration, which seeks to build an "equal Japan-U.S. relationship." What is noteworthy in the tone of Chinese media is that rather than hoping for "estrangement between Japan and the U.S.," they are voicing a new concern: "According to the international affairs newspaper Huanqiu Shibao, "If the distance between Japan and the U.S. grows, this may lead to a major shift toward Japan's development and reinforcement of its own military capability. This is a situation that China would not like to see." If the Japan-U.S. alliance goes wobbly, this will have an immense impact on East Asia. All eyes, both in Japan and overseas, are on the meeting between Prime Minister Hatoyama and President Obama on Nov. 13. At the Defense Ministry's policy panel meeting held at the Diet on the morning of Nov. 12 and attended by some 120 DPJ and other ruling party Diet members and secretaries, many questioned the government's process of screening FY2010 budget requests to identify wasteful spending. They objected to including the SDF's spending for equipment and labor costs under Japan's share of the USFJ expenditures (the so-called omoiyari yosan, or sympathy budget) in the items to be screened, voicing the following opinions: "If spending for defense capability buildup is cut only on the basis of efficiency, it will be impossible to maintain the baseline capability" and "Labor costs of base employees working for the USFJ are not suitable for screening." Parliamentary Secretary for Defense Akihisa Nagashima agreed: "The Defense Ministry's budget allocations include many items that cannot be discussed within one hour. The top political officials of the ministry recognize this." Many ruling party officials have also questioned the Hatoyama administration's "sense of the cost of security." This is also a factor contributing to the discord between Japan and the U.S. The best example is the relocation of the U.S. Forces' Futenma Air Station. Okada is strongly suspicious of the plan to relocate the Futenma base to the coastal area of Camp Schwab. Okada has reportedly told his aides that one major reason for his opposition to the current plan is that "the construction cost of the replacement facility estimated at approximately 400 billion is too much for a public work project. If Futenma is merged with the Kadena Air Base, which the USFJ already uses, the cost can be cut considerably." His perception is that the relocation cost is too enormous as a public works project at a time when the whole government is making vigorous efforts to cut fiscal spending. A government official laments the lack of recognition that "the Futenma issue is different from road construction." TOKYO 00002629 009 OF 013 The confusion over the Futenma issue may come to affect Japan-U.S. defense cooperation in the future. Commanders of the USFJ and the SDF talk face to face or hold video conferences using state-of-the-art communications systems at the Bilateral Joint Operations Coordination Center (known as the BJOCC) at the USFJ's Yokota base in Tokyo to maintain close communication. This was another major item included in the bilateral agreement of May 2006 setting the roadmap for Futenma relocation. The BJOCC has not only been utilized during joint military exercises; it facilitated effective exchange of information between the two sides during North Korea's nuclear test and missile launches this spring. In other words, it is the "latest symbol of Japan-U.S. defense cooperation," according to a senior Defense Ministry official. On Nov. 9, U.S. Navy Commander Ted Getschman, one of the commanding officers at the BJOCC, stressed to Yomiuri Shimbun the importance of the BJOCC: "Thanks to the BJOCC, we are now able to understand each other's requests and responses more quickly and accurately. We have shown the world that we are a strong alliance and team." Japan and the U.S. are slated to build further joint operational functions for missile defense and other projects based on the road map. However, this may be affected if there is a setback in Futenma relocation. Prime Minister Hatoyama and President Obama are expected to agree on Nov. 13 to reengineer the future of the bilateral alliance and begin discussions to deepen this alliance before the 50th anniversary of the revision of the Japan-U.S. security treaty next year. The discussions will focus on space development, cyber security, climate change, and other new security issues facing the countries of the world in the 21st Century. However, a senior Pentagon official says: "We should first sort out the base issues, which bear on the foundation of the alliance." If the East Asian situation becomes unstable, Japan will not be able to shoulder the full cost. The summit meeting on Nov. 13 will be significant not only to Japan and the United States, but also to the Asia-Pacific region. (Part 2 of two-part series) (6) Editorial: U.S. President Obama's visit to Japan - Situation of uncertainty must be corrected SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) November 13, 2009 U.S. President Barack Obama will arrive in Japan and hold a meeting with Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama today. The initial schedule was changed on short notice, and the President will stay in Japan only for one night. But we should welcome Obama's decision to visit Japan on the first leg of his first tour of Asia as president. This decision probably reflects his stance of placing emphasis on the Japan-U.S. alliance by defining it as "a cornerstone of his policy toward the Asia-Pacific region." Nonetheless, his first visit to Japan is unlikely to produce results for the bilateral alliance. It is a worrying situation. Regarding TOKYO 00002629 010 OF 013 the key pending issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Ginowan City, Okinawa Prefecture, a conclusion will be put off due to the prime minister's "indecisiveness." The government has decided to end the ongoing Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean. In addition, the government's new package of assistance measures for Afghanistan and Pakistan in the public welfare area is also likely to exclude manpower contributions in effect. Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada held a meeting with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in Singapore on Nov. 11. They agreed to make efforts to resolve the Futenma issue as quickly as possible, but Clinton urged Okada for Japan's swift decision, saying: "It would be undesirable for the current situation of uncertainty to continue." Clinton made this severe remark bearing in mind the fact that the Hatoyama administration's straying off course over the Futenma issue has made even U.S. military and Congress members, in addition to Obama administration officials, distrustful of Japan-U.S. relations as a whole. Both sides have decided to refrain from delving too deeply into the Futenma issue during the summit meeting this evening, based on diplomatic considerations, and to underscore mutual agreement on such themes as aid for Afghanistan, global warming, and nuclear nonproliferation. But Japan has yet to decide on a deadline and direction for resolving the issue through a new ministerial-level Japan-U.S. panel. The current plan agreed on between Japan and the U.S. three years ago is the most realistic solution. Under this plan, the base burden on the people in Okinawa will be reduced, and the deterrence of the alliance will be retained. China and North Korea must be paying close attention to this relocation plan. In order also to avoid the alliance from losing its substance, Hatoyama should make a decision as quickly as possible. President Obama is scheduled to deliver a speech on U.S. policy toward Asia. Although the President attaches great importance to the speech in the tour of Asia, Hatoyama reportedly cannot attend this event for scheduling reasons. The might reflecti the actual state of Japan-U.S. relations, and it is extremely regrettable. Hatoyama has said that he will propose that the two countries comprehensively review their alliance, ahead of the 50th anniversary of the revision of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty next year. However, even if the two countries eagerly discuss an abstract vision for the future, it will be as unstable as a house of cards if they fail to solidify the foundation of the alliance. Prime Minister Hatoyama should change his perception about how the bilateral alliance should be management because it will affect the foundation of Japan-U.S. relations. (7) Editorial: Afghan assistance; Japan should make bold efforts to do whatever it can ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) November 13, 2009 The Hatoyama administration has released its new Afghanistan assistance measures. It has decided to disburse up to 5 billion dollars or approximately 450 billion yen over the next five years to TOKYO 00002629 011 OF 013 provide vocational training to former soldiers of the anti-government Taliban militants and assistance to police activities. The security situation in Afghanistan is continuing to deteriorate. The U.S. is mulling dispatching more soldiers. However, it will be difficult to turn the situation around with military force alone. As such, the Obama administration and various European countries are pinning high hopes on Japan's assistance in the livelihood-related sector bringing about the rebuilding of the nation. Under the present circumstances, it will be difficult for Japan carry out a full-fledged dispatch of personnel. The government's decision to allocate substantial funds to its civilian assistance measures makes sense. During the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)-New Komeito administration, the government continued refueling the vessels of multinational forces by dispatching Maritime Self-Defense Force troops to the Indian Ocean. The Hatoyama administration intends to terminate the mission in January next year. This is in accordance with (the Democratic Party of Japan's) campaign pledge. Given the fact that the demand for refueling is declining recently, this measure is acceptable. Some criticize this decision by the government, calling it check-book diplomacy. Their logic is that since the refueling mission is a contribution to the war on terror and has been highly praised by the U.S., it makes no sense to withdraw the MSDF troops from the Indian Ocean and think that Japan has contributed to the international community with financial aid alone. Is their thinking founded on the traumatic experiences such as the Gulf War 18 years ago for which Japan extended a massive amount of money, and yet was not appreciated? However, this criticism is irrelevant. Japan should think about what it can do and what it should do for Afghanistan on its own instead of bending to foreign pressure. What Japan can do and should do is probably to support the civilian sector as much as possible. Japan has a track record of supporting the livelihood-related sector in Afghanistan. It provided water and instructions on growing rice in major cities before the USSR invaded the nation. This experience has been passed on to projects carried out by the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). Japan's assistance for Afghanistan based on a long-term perspective will result in eradicating the breeding ground for terrorists. It also signifies indirect support for the U.S., which is dispatching troops to that nation. This is probably the background behind the U.S. press secretary immediately issuing a statement welcoming Japan's decision. The financial aid of 5 billion dollars has not been decided on the basis of specific projects to be undertaken. It cannot be denied that the total amount was decided upon hastily in order to obtain understanding from the U.S. for Japan's termination of its refueling operation with President Obama's visit to Japan close at hand. The government is responsible for mapping out a careful aid program and keeping an eye on its implementation so that Japan's money will not disappear in the Karzai administration, in which corruption is TOKYO 00002629 012 OF 013 rampant. Since Japan plans to spend so much of the taxpayers' money, we expect the government to provide a full account to the Japanese taxpayers and communicate Japan's contribution measures to the international community. (8) LDP coordinating Futenma relocation outside Okinawa OKINAWA TIMES (Page 1) (Abridged) November 13, 2009 The Liberal Democratic Party's Okinawa prefectural chapter, now looking into the possibility of reviewing the planned relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station to the Henoko area of Nago City, has begun moving in earnest to present a resolution to the Okinawa Prefectural Assembly calling for the Hatoyama administration and the U.S. government to relocate Futenma airfield outside Okinawa Prefecture. After the Japan-U.S. summit set for later today, the LDP chapter will discuss this policy changeover to moving the Futenma base out of the prefecture. The LDP, as soon as it decides on its course of action, will call on other parties and floor groups in the prefectural assembly about Futenma relocation outside the prefecture. The resolution will be moved to the assembly during its upcoming November regular session opening on Nov. 26 and is highly likely to be adopted at the outset of the session on the opening day. This is the first time for the ruling and opposition parties to adopt a resolution seeking to move the airfield out of the prefecture. This could greatly sway Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima, who has accepted the Henoko relocation plan while taking the position that Futenma airfield's relocation outside the prefecture would be the best choice but its relocation within the prefecture would be unavoidable. The policy switchover was revealed by several LDP Okinawa prefectural chapter executives. Some in the LDP's Okinawa chapter insist that if the government does not manifest its course of action, the LDP should review the current plan to relocate Futenma airfield to Nago City's Henoko area and should seek to move it out of Okinawa Prefecture. An executive of the LDP chapter says the LDP will determine its own course of action after the Japan-U.S. summit and will move in earnest to present a resolution seeking to relocate Futenma airfield outside the prefecture. The New Komeito, also a ruling party in the Okinawa Prefectural Assembly, is poised to join in to the LDP's move. The ruling and opposition parties are expected to discuss the matter in a meeting of the prefectural assembly's steering committee on Nov. 20 or on other occasions. Masatoshi Onaga, secretary general of the LDP's Okinawa Prefectural Federation, expressed concern about the Futenma issue when he met with LDP Policy Research Council Chairman Shigeru Ishiba at LDP headquarters on Nov. 11. "If the government's policy is not indicated at the summit meeting, the problem will be protracted and as a result, the airfield could become a permanent fixture of Futenma," Onaga said. "In order to remove the danger of Futenma airfield, we will review the Henoko relocation plan and discuss the option of relocating Futenma airfield outside Okinawa Prefecture," he added. Ishiba will visit Okinawa Prefecture on Nov. 17 to consult with the TOKYO 00002629 013 OF 013 LDP's local chapter. (9) Nago mayor to welcome alternative plan for Futenma relocation OKINAWA TIMES (Page 1) (Full) November 13, 2009 The mayor of Nago city in Okinawa Prefecture, the planned relocation site of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station, held a press conference yesterday at his city's municipal government office, during which he urged the central government to clarify its policy as soon as possible on the pending issue of relocating Futenma airfield. "I will welcome an alternative plan that would remove the danger of Futemma field, if it is proposed quickly," Nago Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro said. Meanwhile, Shimabukuro also indicated that he would uphold his stance of accepting the relocation of Futenma airfield to Nago, if the current plan, which is to lay down a V-shaped pair of airstrips in a coastal area of Camp Schwab, is changed to relocation off the coast of Henoko. "I'm not saying I have changed my stance," he said. "The nation should equally accept the burden of hosting bases," Shimabukuro said. "But," he added, "the city made a wrenching decision to accept the new facility at the governor's request while there is no possibility of dispersed relocation in the country." With this explanation, Shimabukuro reiterated that Nago did not try to attract the new base. He also said the best choice would be to move the Futenma base out of Okinawa Prefecture. Shimabukuro also explained why he released his comment at this point, saying: "U.S. President Obama will visit Japan and the Japan-U.S. summit will be held, so I wanted to show Nago city's basic way of thinking to the two leaders and I hope the government will indicate its policy soon. That's why." In addition, the mayor criticized the Hatoyama administration, saying, "It's regrettable that the government has yet to clarify its policy on the Futemma relocation, just sounding as if to deride local residents who have made a wrenching decision." ROOS