DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/30/09

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SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/30/09

INDEX:

(1) Obama administration's challenges: Placing high priority on
Japan a challenge (Asahi)

(2) With order to MSDF to prepare for anti-piracy dispatch, civilian
control left behind (Tokyo Shimbun)

(3) MSDF dispatch to the sea of pirates (Sankei)

(4) Objections to dispatching the MSDF to Somalia under tight
weapons-use rules -- Discussion between DPJ Vice President Seiji
Maehara and Yoshiko Sakurai (Shukan Shincho)

(5) Cracks widening in Machimura faction: Senior members applying
pressure on Hidenao Nakagawa to contain criticism of administration
(Nikkei)

(6) Editorial: Clarify points of dispute in Diet debate in run-up
for next Lower House election (Nikkei)

(7) Japan, Russia at odds over disembarkation card submission
(Yomiuri)

ARTICLES:

(1) Obama administration's challenges: Placing high priority on
Japan a challenge

ASAHI (Page 10) (Abridged slightly)
January 29, 2009

Yoichi Kato, Washington

On January 13, Secretary of State-designate Hillary Clinton attended
her confirmation hearing at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
What she stated before the committee regarding Japan-U.S. relations
attracted much attention.

She specifically said: "Our alliance with Japan is a cornerstone of
American policy in Asia, essential to maintaining peace and
prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region."

There is nothing new in this statement. But in her contribution to
the Foreign Affairs November/December 2007 issue, she wrote: "Our
relationship with China will be the most important bilateral
relationship in the world in this century." The absence of reference
to Japan puzzled persons concerned in Japan. What Clinton said on
January 13 was a complete about-face. "She realized her mistake,"
notes Michael Green, Japan Chair for the Center for Strategic and
International Studies.

Japan, South Korea and Australia were always discussed in a package
in confirmation hearings of past nominees. Hillary Clinton singled
out Japan in her hearing, and that made other countries in the
region jealous, according to a source connected to Japan-U.S.
relations.

Additionally, President Obama has appointed former Deputy Assistant
Secretary of Defense Kurt Campbell as assistant secretary of state
and former regional coordinator of U.S. forces in Okinawa Willace
Gregson as assistant secretary of defense. Both are Japan experts.

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Soon after winning the presidency, Obama called Prime Minister Taro
Aso, placing Japan in the first group of nine countries to contact.
This also showed his consideration for Japan.

Meanwhile, Treasury Secretary-designate Timothy Geithner during his
confirmation hearing accused China of manipulating its currency
rate, drawing fire from Beijing. The Obama administration's stance
is described by some in Washington as pro-Japan, anti-China.

Given such favorable consideration by the Obama administration, the
question is if Japan can live up to its expectations.

The Chicago COUNCIL on Global Affairs made public last fall the
results of its public opinion survey that showed strong expectations
by Americans of Japan to play a greater military role. The Chicago
Council also pointed out: "What has surfaced as the biggest
challenge for U.S.-Japan relations is the gap in expectations. For
the management of the bilateral alliance, it is essential for the
upcoming U.S. administration to dissolve this and find (Japan's)
appropriate tasks in assistance to Afghanistan and other matters."

Japanese and U.S. government sources share this view. Sources
connected with the U.S. government are well aware that Japan is not
allowed to dispatch the Self-Defense Force on an overseas mission
that would be combat based. As mentioned on Jan. 27 by Chairman of
the Joint Chiefs of STAFF Navy Adm. Michael Mullen, what is expected
of Japan is to make contributions in nonmilitary fields, such as
medical care, economic development, and education.

At the same time, there are persons like James Shinn, who served as
deputy undersecretary of defense for Asia and Pacific until last
fall, raising a question about Japan's paradoxical stance: "How
could Japan seek a permanent seat on the UN SECURITY COUNCIL while
shirking its responsibility to carry out activities endorsed by the
UNSC?"

Smart alliance nowhere in sight

In her confirmation hearing, Hillary Clinton repeatedly mentioned
"smart power," a clever mix of "hard power," such as military power,
and "soft power" like values and culture.

Japan is required to become a "smart" U.S. ally. "Smart power" has
been promoted by Harvard University Professor Joseph Nye, who is
expected to become new ambassador to Japan. In an interview with the
Asahi Shimbun in November 2007, Nye discussed the meaning of "smart
power" this way: "A smart ally means a country that can well
integrate its own hard power with soft power. As far as Japan is
concerned, it is essential to have not only soft power that attracts
neighboring countries in Asia but also the ability to join
activities to maintain the international order by utilizing the
Self-Defense Forces."

The difference in expectations is also evident over the issue of
U.S. force realignment.

Over the construction of the envisaged Futenma Air Station
replacement facility, there is thinking in Okinawa and part of the
Japanese government to implement the project by making changes to
the plan. The U.S. side, including sources connected with the Obama
administration, is in no mood to accept any changes to the plan. The
U.S. side is keeping a watchful eye on a move in Japan to reduce the

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so-called sympathy budget, or Japan's host-nation support for the
costs of stationing U.S. forces in the country.

As for the abduction issue, Clinton during her confirmation hearing
indicated that the Obama administration must put greater emphasis on
resolving the issue of Japanese citizens abducted by North Korea. At
the same time, Japan has received a request from a U.S. government
official not to use (the abduction issue) as a litmus test for
Japan-U.S. relations. There is a subtle difference in stances of the
two sides in the Obama administration.

Strong political leadership must be displayed to help resolve such a
difference in expectations. But given the divided Diet, there seems
to be limits to what Japan can do. There are no prospects for
improving the situation, either. On the U.S. side, there are those
willing to watch the situation patiently, thinking that there is no
other option, and those alarmed at the situation, as seen in former
Deputy Defense Undersecretary Richard Lawless' comment: "If this
situation persists, Japan's presence will continue to diminish."

What matters ultimately is what role Japan intends to play in its
relationship with the United States and the international
community.

(2) With order to MSDF to prepare for anti-piracy dispatch, civilian
control left behind

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Abridged)
January 29, 2009

Shigeru Handa, senior editorial writer

Defense Minister Yasukazu Hamada yesterday ordered the Maritime
Self-Defense Force (MSDF) to prepare for antipiracy deployment to
waters off the coast of Somalia in eastern Africa. The MSDF's
anti-piracy mission is based on the invocation of a maritime
security policing provision in the Self-Defense Forces Law. The
government is said to be looking into the feasibility of a new law
for anti-piracy measures. However, the government does not even have
a draft bill ready. Meanwhile, the Diet has hardly discussed the
government's deployment plan. No cabinet decision is needed for the
government's masterplan that sets a period of time for deployment,
so the SDF may have to act there at its discretion.

The SDF will be sent overseas under the SDF law for the first time
since its dispatch to the Persian Gulf in 1991. At that time, the
government sent MSDF minesweepers to the Persian Gulf for the safe
navigation of Japanese ships. The MSDF there removed mines.

The SDF's dispatch to the Persian Gulf was its first overseas
mission with no experience. At that time, the government did not set
any guidelines for the SDF to use weapons. "If there is a ship
coming to attack, we would ram our ship against it to stop it," an
MSDF officer said when he was on the minesweeping mission there.

The MSDF's mission in the Persian Gulf ended without any mishaps.
However, the government continued to be careful about sending the
SDF overseas. In 1992, the government and the ruling parties
established a law for cooperation on United Nations peacekeeping
operations or the so-called PKO cooperation law. Under this law, the
government sent Ground Self-Defense Force troops to Cambodia.


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The SDF deployments to the Indian Ocean and Iraq were under two
different special measures laws, the Antiterrorism Special Measures
Law and the Iraq Special Measures Law. The SDF, since its deployment
in Cambodia, has gone through overseas missions over the past 17
years under a number of special laws for overseas activities. As it
stands, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and the leading
opposition Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto) are both willing to
establish a permanent law instead of having a special measures law
enacted each time.

If the government sends the SDF overseas only under the SDF law, it
may well be criticized for ignoring past circumstances. There are
problems that should be cleared up through Diet deliberations.
However, since there is no bill before the Diet, the problems remain
up in the air. For example, one issue is what to do about the
government's guidelines for the SDF to use weapons overseas. The
SDF's use of weapons on its overseas missions is currently limited
to legitimate self-defense or emergency evacuation only. This
constraint is in place also for the MSDF's antipiracy maritime
security policing activities off Somalia, as well as under the PKO
cooperation law and the two special laws for antiterror activities
in the Indian Ocean and assistance to Iraq.

However, the MSDF's anti-piracy maritime policing action under the
SDF law is to protect Japanese ships and Japan-linked ships only.
Unlike the SDF law, the PKO cooperation law and the antiterror and
Iraq special measures laws allow SDF members to use weapons in order
to protect themselves and "those under their control," as well.
These three laws make it possible for the SDF to carry out
international cooperation.

The question is when to dispatch the SDF, where to operate, and what
kinds of troops to send out for overseas activities. Under the PKO
cooperation law, the government specified these matters in an
"implementing plan." Under the antiterror and Iraq special measures
laws, the government likewise specified them in a "masterplan" and
made a cabinet decision on it. In addition, the government is
required under these laws to ask the Diet for its approval of SDF
activities or otherwise report SDF activities to the Diet. In other
words, the Diet also participates in the process of sending the SDF
overseas, thereby shaping the "civilian control" of the SDF under
the cabinet and the Diet.

In the case of the MSDF's maritime policing activities in waters off
Somalia, however, the government is not required to come up with any
plan or even to make a Diet report. This could slacken civilian
control. As a result, the SDF's discretion will increase. However,
the SDF's responsibility will increase, as well. "The commanding
officer over there and the headquarters here will communicate," MSDF
Chief of STAFF Keiji Akahoshi said. "That's important," he added,
indicating that the government will make a decision if and when
there is a problem.

(3) MSDF dispatch to the sea of pirates

SANKEI (Page 1) (Full)
January 30, 2009

Yukio Okamoto, foreign affairs analyst

Last year, more than 100 ships were attacked by pirates in waters
off the coast of Somalia. According to findings from UKMTO, a

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Dubai-based antipiracy organization that files records regarding all
damage caused by pirates, three Japanese or Japanese-related ships
were seajacked by pirates. In addition, three other ships were
attacked. There is now less damage because of the northeastern
monsoon blowing in the Gulf of Aden and the new sealane there.
However, when the weather serves, there will be more trouble again.
Ships between Europe and Japan pass through this sea. Trade with
Europe is being threatened.

Warships from about 20 countries, including China and Malaysia, are
already participating in antipiracy operations. Pirates will scuttle
away when they see warships. In this way, Japanese ships have been
saved as well. Deterrence with saber-rattling is important. The
Japanese government has also begun to prepare the Maritime
Self-Defense Force for deployment to waters off Somalia under the
existing law. Japan has been falling behind other countries.
However, I would like to welcome this move.

There were pirates even before Christ was born. Today, pirates use
rockets and modern IT equipment to attack foreign ships. The Somali
pirates used to be fishermen. They have connections with local
military groups and they are armed-just like the one-time "Murakami
Suigun" naval force in the Inland Sea of Japan. When local fishermen
saw Chinese and other foreign fishing boats operating in the sea
before their eyes, they drove away those foreign fishing boats. Over
time, fishermen began taking cellphones and other devices.
Furthermore, they went on escalating their hunting to capture cargo
and crewmen for huge ransoms. Nowadays, piracy is the biggest
business in Somalia. They will continue hunting for game as long as
Somalia is in a state of anarchy.

Pirates can easily board a defenseless merchant ship that can only
use water to flush out attackers. They take the captured ship back
to points off the Somali ports of Eyl and Galad. Even though they
are rounded up by an international naval fleet, civilized countries
will abide by the law, so they are in no danger of being killed.
Local youths, each with an annual income of 600 dollars or so, can
make money to the extent of 50,000 dollars a year after becoming
pirates. It is a low-risk, high-return crime, and they cannot stop
it.

I recently visited the Gulf and met with UKMTO and international
fleet officials. One of them told me, "We are all mariners, so we
will do our best to protect Japanese ships as well." They wanted
Japan to participate in the CTF-151, which is a newly organized
fleet against pirates. "The sealane we must protect is as long as
1,800 kilometers," a fleet official said. "So," he added, "we need
more vessels and helicopters and patrol planes."

To eliminate piracy, Somalia must have a government with
law-enforcing capacity. However, Somalia is currently under the
control of the Somalia Islamic Council, which is a fundamentalist
organization. Somalia's interim government was under the protection
of Ethiopian troops. Ethiopia, however, has now pulled its troops
out of Somalia. (Ironically, Arab pirates rampant in the Arabian Sea
in old times had nothing to fear other than Ethiopian soldiers.)
Moreover, those Somali pirates are based in a half-independent
region called Puntland. For the time being, Somalia can be little
expected to establish an effective government.

By the way, Social Democratic Party President Mizuho Fukushima was
invited to a Democratic Party of Japan convention. She was quoted as

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saying in a speech there: "We're against sending the Self-Defense
Forces to wipe out the pirates. We can't agree even if the
government creates a law. Nothing is more important than human
life." This could be one way of thinking. However, human life is
important for the people of other countries as well. Indeed,
Japanese ships must be secured. Even so, we are not allowed, also
from the perspective of ethics, to say anything like this: "We
should make the people of other countries take on the risk of
escorting Japanese ships." In the end, the answer is that Japan has
no choice but to give up trading with Europe. She should have said
so clearly to the audience.

(4) Objections to dispatching the MSDF to Somalia under tight
weapons-use rules -- Discussion between DPJ Vice President Seiji
Maehara and Yoshiko Sakurai

SHUKAN SHINCHO (Pp. 50-53) (Abridged slightly)
February 5, 2009

Sakurai: There is a growing international effort to combat piracy in
waters off Somalia. China decided late last year to dispatch three
vessels -- two naval vessels and a fueler, and has now begun working
as a "major power." South Korea, too, has decided to send its naval
vessels. Meanwhile, Japan is still conducting discussions with the
aim of dispatching the Maritime Self-Defense Force by late March.
That being said, I have some questions for Mr. Maehara, who is vice
president of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and an expert on
security affairs. J. Thomas Schieffer served as U.S. Ambassador to
Japan for three years and nine months. Before leaving his post, Mr.
Schieffer held a press conference on January 14 in which he said:
"Pirates are criminals. I find it difficult to understand why it
takes such a long time for Japan to make a decision to protect its
own people from pirates." The Ambassador, who has a deep
understanding of Japan's special circumstances, including Article 9,
criticized the country outright that day, indicating his difficulty
to understand this situation. I think Japan's response is so slow
that it goes beyond comprehension.

Maehara: The United Nations has unanimously adopted three
resolutions against piracy off Somalia. Japan should enact a special
law and quickly dispatch the MSDF based on those resolutions, which
Japan supported. The government is trying to dispatch the MSDF under
SDF Law Article 82 governing maritime policing activities. We can't
help but become cautious about such an approach. That is because for
one thing, the Police Duties Execution Law will be applied to
maritime policing activities. To begin with, SDF Law Article 82 is
designed to allow the MSDF to take over only when the Japan Coast
Guard cannot deal with a situation in waters near Japan. In other
words, it is not based on a situation where the MSDF goes all the
way to waters off Somalia to protect Japanese merchant ships there.
It's not illegal but the grounds are unsound.

Sakurai: Under the maritime policing provision, the MSDF would be
bound hand and foot, and the members won't be able to perform their
duties, as expected.

Maehara: Probably not. Under the government's interpretation of the
Constitution, Japan is not allowed to use force overseas. That has
been a bottleneck in conducting peacekeeping operations (PKO) and
establishing the Antiterrorism Special Measures Law. In waters off
Somalia, the MSDF can use weapons limited to legitimate self-defense
and emergency evacuation. It sounds funny, but there is one more

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instance. They are allowed to shoot someone who was sentenced to
three years or more in prison. Even in such a case, weapons used by
the MSDF must be on the same level as those of pirates.

Sakurai: I understand that the MSDF is not allowed to use
overwhelming firepower even against criminals like pirates and that
they must not, in principle, inflict damage on humans.

Maehara: They can attack a pirate ship but must not sink it, because
such would inflict damage on humans. To begin with, there is a
tremendous gap between a destroyer and a pirate ship in terms of
fighting and defense power. So pirate ships are usually armed with
things like rocket launchers. If MSDF members use weapons on the
same level as those used by pirates in fighting back, that might
very well end up sinking the pirate ship. Doesn't that constitute
the use of force, which is prohibited under the Constitution? There
is no military court in Japan, so wouldn't the SDF members who
resulted in such a consequence be forced to face criminal penalties
later on? The answers to these questions remain unclear. Forced to
perform their duties under such ambiguous conditions, SDF members
won't be able to make a quick decision on an attacks or danger.
Conversely, they might suffer damage.

Sakurai: Under such circumstances, sufficiently protecting Japanese
vessels might be difficult. China has been protecting Taiwanese
vessels, as well. There might arise a situation where Japanese
ships, too, would have to be protected by Chinese naval vessels.
Such could occur when Japan is placed under China's protection and
China gains superiority over Japan. Such must be convenient for
China that proposed to the United States dividing up Pacific
control, but is unacceptable for Japan.

Vessels not subject to MSDF escort

Sakurai: When North Korean spy ships entered waters off the Noto
Peninsula in 1999, an order for maritime policing operations was
issued. But the spy ships were aware that Japan was not allowed to
attack them, so they just kept sailing on to move out of Japanese
territorial waters. One of the boats came to a halt due to engine
trouble, but Japan could not do anything about it. Enemies who know
that the Japanese side does not fire back unless they attack first
flee from Japanese waters without fail. It is also said that once
dispatched to waters off Somalia, the MSDF will protect only
Japanese-registered vessels and ships carrying Japanese cargoes.
Even if they encounter a foreign vessel under attack by pirates,
they will have to remain on the sidelines because they are under the
maritime policing provision of the Japanese law. They would be
despised and scorned as a result.

Maehara: I agree. The maritime policing clause would not allow them
to rescue such a vessel. I believe Defense Minister Yasukazu Hamada
is engaged in tough discussions. If a Japanese ship happens to be in
close proximity of a foreign vessel, the MSDF would block a pirate
ship from approaching the foreign vessel in the pretext of
protecting it. I'm sure the defense minister is envisioning a
variety of scenarios like that. But when such a pretext cannot be
found, the MSDF would have to conclude that (protecting a foreign
ship) is not part of their duties.

Sakurai: I cannot imagine how the international community would
react to Japan if such a situation occurred. Kuwait did not express
its gratitude to Japan for just making financial contributions

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during the first Gulf War. Back then, Japanese troops were not
stationed in the Gulf. But this time around, Japanese troops might
not be able to help a foreign vessel that is right in front of them.
Fierce criticism is certain to arise. Despite that, when asked about
maritime policing operations that would tightly bind the MSDF's hand
and foot, Prime Minister Aso answered, 'I don't think any pirate
ship will attack a destroyer.' Is that the view supporting the
dispatch of the MSDF?

Maehara: In October 2000, a U.S. vessel equipped with the Aegis
system was crippled by an attack by a rubber boat carrying bombs in
the Gulf of Aden. So no one can say for sure that there will be no
suicide attack in waters off Somalia.

Sakurai: MSDF vessels could become targets. It is too optimistic to
think that the presence of destroyers makes the surrounding waters
safe and protected. I strongly believe Japan needs military power
that can actually protect vessels instead of artificial military
strength.

Maehara: The SDF has long discussed whether the weapons-use criteria
based on the Police Duties Execution Law are really sufficient. The
set of criteria still exists as a bottleneck. It would too time
consuming to amend the Constitution for resolving this issue. In an
effort to clarify the government's constitutional interpretation,
former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe set up an expert panel tasked to
make recommendations on four scenarios, such as intercepting
ballistic missiles that may be targeted at the United States,
protecting U.S. naval vessels under attack in international waters,
and defending foreign troops that come under attack, for instance,
during providing reconstruction assistance in Iraq. It was
regrettable that Mr. Abe quit as prime minister before the panel
come up with its recommendations. The panel presented its report
endorsing the use of the right to collective self-defense to Mr.
Abe's successor, Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda.

(5) Cracks widening in Machimura faction: Senior members applying
pressure on Hidenao Nakagawa to contain criticism of administration

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
January 30, 2009

Cracks in the Machimura faction, the largest faction in the Liberal
Democratic Party (LDP),are widening. With former Secretary General
Hidenao Nakagawa's strong opposition to Prime Minister Taro Aso's
policy of hiking the sales tax as an occasion, senior officials of
the faction, such as former Prime Ministers Yoshiro Mori and Shinzo
Abe, who are close to Aso, have tightened the figurative noose
around Nakagawa. The moves of Nakagawa, who is even eyeing political
realignment, could trigger the disintegration of the faction. As
such, part of the aim of the leadership in placing pressure on
Nakagawa is to contain his criticism of the administration. Internal
discord will likely continue for some time to come.

Touches on possible review of party leadership system

Nakagawa during a plenary meeting of the Machimura faction on
January 29 underscored: "The very fact that such talk has cropped up
will bother the Aso cabinet. We should stand together as a group."
"Such talk" indicates criticism of Nakagawa by senior officials of
the Machimura faction and an argument calling for reviewing the
factional system.

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Abe on the 27th said this while visiting Saudi Arabia: "There is an
argument that a troika leadership structure for the faction is
somewhat unnatural. We will probably reach a decision to change it."
He referred to a possible review of the Machimura faction's
collective leadership system. Referring to Abe's remark, one senior
official of the Machimura faction explained, "What he meant was that
Machimura will be reinstated to the faction chairmanship, with
Nakagawa being ousted."

Mori, supreme advisor, is gradually tightening the noose around
Nakagawa, repeatedly telling people close to him, "If Mr. Nakagawa
opts out of the faction, I will not dissuade him."

Mori, the most influential member of the faction, has strengthened
criticism of Nakagawa, with the party presidential election last
year as the occasion. Many of the Machimura faction's senior
officials, such as Mori, Abe and Machimura, supported Aso in that
election, while Nakagawa supported former Defense Minister Yuriko
Koike, splitting the unity of the faction. Nakagawa then
strengthened criticism of the Aso administration over the sales tax.
He has been a pain in the neck for the administration.

Nakagawa is eyeing realignment of political circles. Some faction
members said that if he tries to split the faction, by jockeying for
realignment, he should leave the faction immediately. Since some
faction members, such as Ichita Yamamoto, have fallen in step with
Nakagawa, voices are being heard calling for reducing the number of
Nakagawa sympathizers by lessening the influence of Nakagawa before
the next Lower House election. Those members are presumably
calculating that if they insinuate that they will sideline Nakagawa
from the leadership, he will tone down criticism of the
administration. Seishiro Eto and Seiken Sugiura, senior members of
the faction who are close to Nakagawa, on the afternoon of the 29
directly asked Mori in the Diet building to repair his relations
with him, noting, "Junior members are worried about relations
between you and Mr. Nakagawa. Mori replied, "I have never said I
will review the three-leader system."

Mori reportedly said when he had dined with former Upper House
Caucus Chairman Mikio Aoki and business leaders in Tokyo on the
evening of the 28th, "I will not allow him to break up the party."

Nakagawa posted a comment on his website on the evening of the 29th,
which went that he wants to make necessary preparations within the
party, while supporting Prime Minister Aso, so that the party can
make progress and develop over the mid- to long-term. He thus
stressed a stance of remaining in the party to support the
administration and continue activities. However, it will be
difficult to repair the fissure, once created. The source of
contention will likely linger.

(6) Editorial: Clarify points of dispute in Diet debate in run-up
for next Lower House election

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
January 30, 2009

Interpellations by each party's representative in connection with
Prime Minister Taro Aso's policy speech have started. On the first
day, Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary General Yukio
Hatoyama took the podium and asked the prime minister about his

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views on the practice of amakudari ("descent from heaven" or retired
officials landing cushy jobs with companies related to their
previous duties) by central government employees, and on the sale
tax issue.

The current term for Lower House members ends this September. The
Lower House could be dissolved at any moment once the fiscal 2009
budget is enacted. Both the ruling and opposition parties are
responsible for clarifying campaign issues in the upcoming Lower
House election through marathon debate on the fiscal 2009 budget.

From that perspective, as well, it is regrettable that DPJ Chairman
Ichiro Ozawa did not take the podium. Hatoyama questioned the prime
minister, while introducing the Environment New Deal Initiative,
which Ozawa advocates. However, his presentation lacked punch.
Ozawa, a potential candidate for the next prime minister, should
have engaged in verbal confrontation with the prime minister.

Hatoyama criticized a government ordinance that approves "watari"
(migrant birds) or the practice of retired officials jumping from
one cushy job to another many times, receiving pensions and pay
along the way. The prime minister said that government agencies are
allowed to offer job referral services to retired bureaucrats during
the three-year transition period under the revised NATIONAL Civil
Service Law. He then replied, "Job referral services by government
agencies are necessary in order to faithfully implement the law
intended to secure the efficacy of regulations on such matters as
reemployment through the implementation of strict monitoring."

However, when Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Secretary General
Hiroyuki Hosoda once again pressed the prime minister, saying,
"'Watari' job referral services should be ended," the prime minister
categorically said, "I have no intention of granting applications
for watari job referral services in view of harsh criticism from the
public."

The prime minister thus has gone a step further from his previous
stance of strictly applying the government ordinance. Placing a ban
on watari job referral services by ministries and agencies is only
natural. It is logical to abolish the government ordinance that
approves such services so as not to leave loopholes. The government
will shortly map out a roadmap for reforming the public servant
system, which will include the establishment of a Cabinet Personnel
and Administrative Control Bureau. However, it would be impossible
for it to obtain public understanding if it gives the impression
that it is lenient toward the "watari" practice.

The prime minister gave the strong impression that he remained
thoroughly committed to playing it safe in making replies so as to
remain noncommittal.

Regarding measures to deal with piracy in waters off Somalia,
Hatoyama questioned the prime minister about the guidelines for the
use of weapons in the event of Maritime Self-Defense personnel being
dispatched. However, he did not clarify his own party's stand,
including the propriety of setting up a new law. His approach was
thus irresponsible, causing anxieties about the DPJ's ability to run
the government.

Hatoyama sought early dissolution of the Lower House. The prime
minister replied, "I would like to clarify points of dispute with
the opposition camp at an appropriate time and go to the people."

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Budget deliberations are the best venue for that. We hope to hear
fruitful debate.

(7) Japan, Russia at odds over disembarkation card submission

YOMIURI (Page 3) (Excerpts)
January 30, 2009

Russian authorities demanded that Japanese government officials on a
humanitarian mission submit disembarkation (E/D) cards before
landing on one of the four disputed northern islands. This issue may
lead to suspending the visa-free exchange visit program and
eventually aggravating Japan-Russia relations.

Japan: "Submission would mean Japan's acceptance of Russian claim to
its ownership

The Japanese officials returned to Nemuro Port, Hokkaido, from
waters off Kunashiri Island yesterday afternoon. Chief Cabinet
Secretary Kawamura commented that the Russian response is "beyond
our comprehension."

Tokyo and Moscow exchanged diplomatic notes in 1998 in which both
sides specified that Japanese nationals on a humanitarian mission
are required to submit only these papers issued by the Japanese
foreign minister before landing on the disputed northern islands:
(1) the identification card; and (2) the form that enters the
destination and other details. A member of the Foreign Ministry's
European Affairs Bureau emphasized that Russia's demand for E/D
cards this time goes against the diplomatic notes. Japanese
officials fear that submitting E/D cards in accordance with Russia's
domestic law would mean that Japan accepts Russia's claim that the
island belongs to Russia.

There are four special programs for Japanese to visit the
Russian-held but Japanese-claimed four Northern Territories -
Kunashiri, Etorofu, Shikotan, and the Habomai islet group: (1)
Visa-free exchanges between former islanders and Russian residents
on the islands, also involving those linked to campaigns for
returning the four islands, politicians, and correspondents; (2)
visits by former islanders and their relatives to graves of
ancestors on the islands; (3) homecoming by former islanders and
their relatives with no restrictions; and (4) humanitarian aid. The
Russian government's introduction of this system that requires no
immigration procedures reportedly stemmed from its consideration to
the Northern Territories issue. Given this, unsuccessful
negotiations on the latest issue could bring about negative effects,
such as a suspension of the visa-free exchange program.

The Japanese government, however, does not want to develop the
ongoing trouble into a major political issue. A senior Foreign
Ministry official take this optimistic view: "The Russian government
must have the same view as Japan's." The Russian side's explanation
is that it is important to figure out how many people land on the
islands. The Foreign Ministry is aiming to settle the situation by
means of Japan giving information on the number of visitors through
diplomatic channels as it did before.

Meanwhile, some government officials suggest the need for Japan to
seek an early settlement by taking even flexible measures, as
represented by this comment by Lower House member Muneo Suzuki:
"Submitting E/D cards does not infringe on Japan's sovereignty. That

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should be settled in a businesslike and technical way." A Russian
government official said: "Submitting E/D cards under the visa-free
exchange visit program is unrelated to both sides' claims to
sovereignty over the territories."

Russia: Rule applied to all foreigners

In the past, Moscow tried to demonstrate its control of the four
northern islands by taking up seizure cases involving Japanese
fishing boats in summit meetings and other important diplomatic
events. Some observers take the view that even if Russia upsets
Japan over the disembarkation card issue, Russia's position on
sovereignty over the four islands will unlikely weaken.

Vladimir Nosov, the Russian Foreign Ministry's representative in
Sakhalin Province, which has jurisdiction over the Northern
Territories, said in a telephone interview with the Yomiuri Shimbun
yesterday: "Russia will require all foreign travelers to submit E/D
cards, based on its domestic law." Japan did not encounter such a
request until last year since Russia revised its domestic laws in

2006. According to Nosov, "The Russian government's immigration
agency has strictly applied the laws since the beginning of this
year" in order to count the number of those entering and going out
of the islands.

Russia has been irritated at Japan's stubborn attitude in recent
Japan-Russia peace-treaty negotiations. Such frustration has driven
it into taking "acts against the agreements reached between the two
countries," according to a diplomatic source related to Japan-Russia
relations. The Russian side has taken the view that Japan refused
the compromise plan proposed in 2001 by then President Putin to
resolve the territorial issue with Russia returning the Habomais and
Shikotan based on the 1956 Japan-Soviet Union Joint Declaration. A
political scientist specialized in Japan-Russia relations says that
"the proposal was inconceivable in the days of the Soviet Union."

The Russian government has attributed the stagnation in recent
negotiations to the Japanese side. Moscow has indicated that even if
Japan-Russia relations deteriorate over the E/D card issue, "the
responsibility will not lie with us."

President Medvedev invited Prime Minister Aso in a telephone
conversation on Jan. 24 to a ceremony in mid-February in
commemoration of the start of export of liquefied gas (LNG) to Japan
under the Sakhalin-2 project. He also unofficially suggested holding
a Japan-Russia summit meeting, indicating his eagerness toward
cooperation with Japan in developing the Far East and East Siberia.
The dominant view in the Russian government is that the issue of
suspended humanitarian assistance by Japan should be settled not at
a leaders' or government level but at a working level.

ZUMWALT