DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/05/09

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 002054 SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/05/09 INDEX: (1) Hatoyama desperate to quell stir created by op-ed essay (Tokyo Shimbun) (2) U.S. government taking wait-and-see attitude on controversy over Hatoyama's New York Times article (Tokyo Shimbun) (3) Concern over two-tier power structure already looming as Ozawa increases his presence (Tokyo Shimbun) (4) Change of administration: DPJ's foreign policy must rest on Japan-U.S. ties (Nikkei) (5) Editorial: Japan-U.S. relations: Take this as golden opportunity to build trust (Tokyo Shimbun) (6) Editorial: Japan-U.S. phone conversation: Prove with actions that "alliance is cornerstone" (Sankei) (7) Hatoyama: No quick solution to the issue of Futenma relocation (Okinawa Times) (8) Futenma alternative: Flight demonstrations set for Sept. 9 (Ryukyu Shimpo) (9) F-22s to stay on at Yokota base? (Akahata) (10) International carbon market initiative could give impetus to effort to set post-Kyoto Protocol framework: Private sector-funded assistance to developing countries; Japan alarmed about move led by U.S., Europe (Asahi) (11) Prime Minister's Schedule, September 3 (Nikkei) (12) DPJ President Hatoyama's Schedule (Nikkei) ARTICLES: (1) Hatoyama desperate to quell stir created by op-ed essay TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Full) September 4, 2009 Yoichi Takeuchi, Political Department Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama, the prime minister in waiting, is desperately trying to erase his image of being a person who holds "anti-American" views. This is because the U.S. media is strongly criticizing his essay quoted by U.S. newspapers. Hatoyama wants to dispel the U.S.'s "misunderstanding" by building personal relations of trust with President Barack Obama. At a teleconference early in the morning of Sept. 3, Obama told Hatoyama "the Democratic Party won on both sides of the Pacific." In response, Hatoyama said, "The change of party in power required 
courage. It is the American people and President Obama who gave that courage to the Japanese people." Hatoyama likely flattered Obama because of the increasing criticism of him in the U.S. TOKYO 00002054 002 OF 012 Yesterday afternoon Hatoyama met with U.S. Ambassador John Roos. With an eye toward building a good relationship, Hatoyama and Roos, Stanford University graduates, had a warm meeting, according to Roos. The U.S. side's anxiety arose because The New Times posted on its website excerpts of the English version of the essay that Hatoyama originally contributed to the September issue of the Japanese monthly magazine Voice. The New York Times's website highlighted that (1) Hatoyama is critical of U.S.-led globalization and (2) advocates East Asian economic integration as U.S. influence ebbs. The U.S. media quickly responded that the next Japanese prime minister seems to be distancing himself from the U.S. Hatoyama said that the contribution was an excerpt from his original essay, commenting that "Globalization has both negative and positive aspects. I have no intention to exclude the U.S. from an East Asia Community concept. If they read my essay in its entirety, they will understand what I meant." In his original essay, Hatoyama stressed that the Japan-U.S. security arrangements will function as the basis of Japan's foreign policy in the future as well. The DPJ's manifesto (campaign pledges) for the Aug. 30 House of Representatives election included a pledge to build a close and equal Japan-U.S. alliance as top priority of Japan's foreign policy. The DPJ revealed this policy in consultations on a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party and the People's New Party. However, it is a fact that the next prime minister's promise to build an equal Japan-U.S. relationship is creating a stir in the United States--all the more because Hatoyama has taken a stance to suspend the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, which Japan began to assist U.S.-led multinational efforts. Hatoyama is expected to visit New York in late September soon after he takes office as prime minister. He hopes to hold a summit with President Obama. A junior DPJ lawmaker said that because "Hatoyama diplomacy" will start with dispelling the suspicion (that he is anti-American),from the beginning it will be hard for Hatoyama to engage in diplomacy with the U.S. (2) U.S. government taking wait-and-see attitude on controversy over Hatoyama's New York Times article TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Full) September 4, 2009 Nakahiro Iwata, Washington The U.S. government is basically taking a wait-and-see attitude on the controversy over the Hatoyama article. Kevin Maher, director of the Office of Japanese Affairs, U.S. Department of State, said, "We will not speculate before the Democratic Party of Japan makes proposals (on the new administration's foreign policy)." When asked at a news conference on August 31 if Hatoyama is contemplating breaking away from dependence on the U.S., White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs deflected the question, saying, "I TOKYO 00002054 003 OF 012 don't understand what dependence you are talking about." However, contrary to the U.S. government's intentions, the U.S. media have been voicing increasing concerns about Hatoyama. The Washington Post's editorial on September 1 called Hatoyama an "inexperienced politician" and warned that "the new administration should not let relations with the U.S. deteriorate." The New York Times, on September 2, quoted a senior government official as saying that "administration officials are increasingly concerned that Japan will cease to support the United States' top priority issues, such as the war in Afghanistan." Unable to ignore this controversy, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell stressed in a speech on September 2 that "a degree of independence, of confidence, is absolutely essential on the part of Japan. This does not conflict with the alliance relationship. The U.S. actually supports that." This was a bid to rectify the situation, but the controversy is expected to continue for some time. (3) Concern over two-tier power structure already looming as Ozawa increases his presence TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Full) September 3, 2009 The presence of Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Deputy President Ichiro Ozawa, who greatly contributed to the party's crushing victory, is gradually increasing. The launching of the transition team, which was supposed to make various arrangements for the inauguration of the new cabinet, was put on hold. A growing view heard in the party even from before the Lower House election was that Ozawa had the final say in the decision. Concern is now looming that the Hatoyama administration will fall into a two-tier power structure. At noon on September 2 Secretary General Katsuya Okada and Policy Research Council Chairman Masayuki Naoshima visited Chief Cabinet Secretary Takeo Kawamura at the Office of the Prime Minister and asked for his cooperation in the transfer of administration. Instead of them one would have expected lawmakers who before the election Hatoyama had tapped as cabinet secretary and finance minister to have visited Kawamura as transition team representatives. Plan overturned The plan for the transition team had been worked out when Naoto Kan was president in 2003 and Okada was president in 2005. According to the outline of the plan, the party president was to pick executive party members and main cabinet members right after the Lower House election, and as a team they were to coordinate views in the run-up to the launching of a new administration. In the Lower House election this time, too, Secretary General Okada and Hirofumi Hirano, executive office chief and an aide to Hatoyama, had been preparing to launch the team until immediately before the election day. The plan was aborted in the early hours of August 31, when the general trend of the Lower House election returns became clear. Hatoyama announced at a press conference that the plan to set up the transition team had been shelved and personnel appointments would be TOKYO 00002054 004 OF 012 made at once after his nomination as prime minister. He underscored that the change in the plan was due to a decision to give consideration to the party's coalition partners - the SDP and the PNP. This policy decision was confirmed at an informal meeting of Hatoyama, Ozawa, Kan, and Okada as well as Azuma Koshiishi, head of the DPJ caucus in the Upper House, held at the party headquarters. Emerging from the meeting, Okada told reporters, while concealing his discontent, "Of course we will abide by a policy decision of the president." On the 1st Hatoyama explained to reporters, "We have not definitely decided to set up the transition team." The prevailing view is, however, the policy switch had been made reflecting Ozawa's wishes. A lawmaker close to Ozawa revealed, "The plan fell through when Mr. Ozawa said, 'I haven't heard of it.' His idea of personnel management is that a person at the top should decide the personnel line-up." Ozawa has kept mum about this. He is already eyeing the Upper House election next summer and the next Lower House election. He sent a written directive to members of Isshin-Kai, a group of his supporters among junior Lower House members, through a lawmaker close to him immediately after the Lower House election. The directive read: "The next election has already started. There is no time for us to be elated by the election victory. I urge you to go out into the streets, meet supporters, and seek their backing and understanding for the realization of the DPJ administration's policies." Foretaste The group supporting Ozawa will swell to approximately 120 in the Upper and Lower Houses as a result of the Lower House election. With such a large number of supporters Ozawa will undoubtedly become more influential in the party. If his power affects the Hatoyama administration's personnel management and policy decisions, the administration will come under criticism for having a two-tier power structure. This is a major issue for Hatoyama, who will aim to unify the government and the party. Such a situation could undermine the delicate relations of Ozawa, Kan and Okada, centered on Hatoyama, which have been smooth up until now. The rebuff of the launching of the transition team could become a foretaste of such a development. Hatoyama made a point of remarking, "Personnel management is something which I must mull on my own and reach a decision." Hatoyama's reference to his legitimate authority as the leader of the administration indicates his struggle to avoid getting pushed around by Ozawa. (4) Change of administration: DPJ's foreign policy must rest on Japan-U.S. ties NIKKEI (Page 1) (Abridged) September 4, 2009 TOKYO 00002054 005 OF 012 Hiroyuki Akita, senior writer On the night of Sept. 2, Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama headed back for DPJ headquarters from his home after finishing talks with the head of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). The reason was to receive a telephone call from U.S. President Barack Obama. Complex U.S. views It is said that some in the U.S. government had initially wondered if it was proper to place a telephone call to Hatoyama who is not yet the prime minister of Japan. Nevertheless, reaching the conclusion that President Obama should extend his congratulations at an early time, the U.S. side made the overture for the telephone conference. The United States holds mixed views about the Hatoyama administration, which has yet to be launched. The U.S. media speculate that Hatoyama might turn away from the United States and pursue an independent course. The speculation must have been triggered by Hatoyama's essay that appeared on the New York Times electronic edition and other papers, which has eventually generated an anti-American impression. But that must not be all. The United States is highly alarmed at the DPJ's pledge to review (the realignment of) U.S. forces in Japan, revise the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA),terminate the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, and build a "close and equal Japan-U.S. alliance" at the same time. All those steps might end up reducing the level of cooperation between Japan and the United States. The United States secretly conveyed its concern to the DPJ during the Lower House election campaign period. Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell reportedly met with DPJ Secretary General Katsuya Okada in late July to tell him "there are people in Washington who think the DPJ does not like the United States. Please make every effort to avoid generating such an impression." The DPJ does not intend to change its U.S. policy at a stroke. "We are not thinking of putting all the issues on the table to seek solutions all at once. We will set our priorities straight and deal with them one by one," Okada said to Campbell. Hatoyama, too, has repeatedly indicated the party's stance of attaching importance to the United States. To begin with, it is not wrong to advocate an equal Japan-U.S. alliance. Even the late Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida, who signed the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty and paved the way for Japan to rely on U.S. forces regarding its national defense, has left a note posing a question about continuing depending on the power of other countries. The DPJ's foreign policy raised apprehensions because how Japan will fulfill its responsibility and play its role in building equal Japan-U.S. relations remains unclear. Anxieties in the United States were fueled by the Hatoyama essay that appeared in U.S. newspapers. "The essay created a stir in the (Obama) administration shortly after it appeared on the newspaper," a U.S. government official said. TOKYO 00002054 006 OF 012 It seems that the DPJ incurred distrust in its ability to govern due to its poor transmission of information that did not take into account how the international community would react to it. The LDP administration that was launched more than a half-century ago pursued economic prosperity during the Cold War by depending on U.S. forces when it came to national defense, with Japan serving as their "forward base" in return. Meeting the national interests of the United States which regards Japan as an anticommunist fortress, Japan has become a beneficiary of the U.S.-centered free trade system. Future image not shown The Cold War ended some 20 years ago. What is the future image of the Japan-U.S. alliance? It is not that the DPJ won a public mandate by presenting a clear vision during the Lower House campaign. The environment surrounding Japan does not allow the country to be able to defend its national interests without its alliance with the United States. Japan sits within the range of the missiles of North Korea, which is pursuing nuclear development. With China on its way to becoming a superpower, diplomatic bargaining in Asia is intensifying A Chinese foreign policy adviser recently said to a person connected with the Japanese government that Japan should follow a course that is more independent. But even if economic ties between Japan and China are enhanced, the U.S. "security umbrella" will not become unnecessary (for Japan). Further, Japan must remain on alert against Russian moves to regain its superpower status. If the DPJ is to come up with a new diplomatic plan, it must be based on bonds between Japan and the United States. (5) Editorial: Japan-U.S. relations: Take this as golden opportunity to build trust TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full) September 4, 2009 Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama had a teleconference with U.S. President Barack Obama. While the purpose of the conversation was to clear up the controversy over Hatoyama's alleged "anti-U.S." article, this should be taken as a golden opportunity to build a relationship of mutual trust. Although the outcome of the general election in Japan has been reported prominently in the U.S. media, Hatoyama is still "Hatoyama, who?" among ordinary U.S. citizens. The Hatoyama article published in a U.S. newspaper was the first opportunity that U.S. citizens had to be acquainted with the political beliefs of the incoming Japanese prime minister. If the contents of the article indeed negated the market economy, the Japan-U.S. alliance, and such other basic values held by the United States, then it is understandable, to a certain extent, that there should be a negative reaction. The original article by Hatoyama was published in the September issue of Voice. In this article, entitled "My Political Philosophy," TOKYO 00002054 007 OF 012 Hatoyama stressed that the spirit of yuai that he advocates has its roots in Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi's concept of "fraternite," which spawned the European Union (EU). He cited the EU's philosophy as the direction of his own political goal. The article consistently criticized the negative legacy from the excesses of market fundamentalism resulting from globalism and U.S. unilateralism in the post-Cold War era. Excerpts of this article were published in the U.S. paper under the title "A New Path for Japan." While this is a fairly accurate translation of the original, the message contained in an article meant for the Japanese audience may not necessarily be conveyed accurately to the U.S. and to the international community where English is the dominant language. The word "fraternite" itself has a strong connotation of a medieval religious community. In the U.S., this term calls to mind the secret society-like fraternities in the universities. From the standpoint of Western conservatism, which believes in liberalism, there will be concerns about idealizing European integration, which is regarded as a socialist experiment. Upholding an "equal Japan-U.S. alliance" while remaining ambiguous on U.S. diplomacy and defense policy will inevitably give rise to various interpretations. President Obama was quick to respond to this situation by proposing the teleconference in order to clear up the controversy and demonstrate his posture of giving importance to Japan. This is symbolic since it came soon after U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos, who has strong personal connections to the President, arrived in Japan to take up his post. Regardless of the circumstances, the fact is that the international community has come to have a strong interest in the DPJ. A relationship of trust is indispensable for a foreign policy of "agreeing to disagree." It is probably an urgent task for Hatoyama to acquire the skill of expressing himself clearly in a way that can be understood worldwide. (6) Editorial: Japan-U.S. phone conversation: Prove with actions that "alliance is cornerstone" SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) September 4, 2009 Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama held his first teleconference with U.S. President Barack Obama and conveyed the message: "I consider the Japan-U.S. alliance the cornerstone (of Japanese diplomacy) and would like to develop a future-oriented Japan-U.S. relationship." We would like to welcome the two leaders' agreement to maintain the bilateral security arrangements before Mr. Hatoyama is inaugurated as prime minister as an expected first step. At the same time, Mr. Hatoyama should fully realize that there are growing concerns in the U.S. regarding the DPJ's foreign and security policies and the future of the alliance. It is necessary to reinforce and develop the alliance with pragmatic policies and actions. Mr. Hatoyama and the DPJ have been advocating a "close and equal Japan-U.S. alliance" but the details have remained unclear. It is a well-known fact that bipartisan U.S. experts on Japan have warned that the DPJ's policies since late 2008 on terminating the refueling TOKYO 00002054 008 OF 012 mission of the Maritime Self-Defense Force in the Indian Ocean, demanding the relocation of the Futenma Air Station and other U.S. military facilities outside of Okinawa, and reviewing the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) are "seen as anti-U.S. and anti-alliance." Such concerns were further aggravated by the publication of an article entitled "A New Path for Japan" with Mr. Hatoyama's byline on it in a U.S. newspaper. While the article says that "the Japan-U.S. security pact will continue to be the cornerstone of Japanese diplomatic policy," it contains glaring criticisms of the "failure of the Iraq war" and "market fundamentalism." Two major U.S. papers, The Washington Post and The New York Times cautioned in their editorials that "the threat of a nuclear North Korea makes Japan's neighborhood too dangerous ... for the government in Tokyo to seek a rupture with Washington" and that "the refueling mission in the Indian Ocean should continue ... at least through next spring." A number of senior Obama administration officials are reportedly concerned that "Japan may break away from the alliance and drift" and that "the Japan-U.S. relationship has entered an era of unpredictability." Mr. Hatoyama has explained that "the article consisted of excerpts; if you read the original Japanese version, you will know that it is not anti-U.S." Even so, it is a serious matter that the media, government officials, and experts of Japan's alliance partner have expressed such concerns even before he officially becomes the prime minister. President Obama will be visiting Japan in November, and June 2010 will mark the 50th anniversary of the current bilateral security treaty coming into force. Japan's security environment is experiencing radical changes in terms of North Korea's threats, China's naval expansion, and contributions to fighting war against terrorism. The reinforcement and development of the alliance is more imperative than ever before. How will Mr. Hatoyama respond to the outburst of concerns on the U.S. side in this situation? The foundation of the alliance is measured by the depth of trust and concrete policies. Mr. Hatoyama should take action to establish a pragmatic policy line and show the people of both countries that the alliance is indeed the cornerstone (of Japanese diplomacy). (7) Hatoyama: No quick solution to the issue of Futenma relocation OKINAWA TIMES (Page 1) (Abridged) September 4, 2009 TOKYO-Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama indicated yesterday that it would take some time to settle the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station. "Things won't go well until the Japanese government, the U.S. government, and Okinawa Prefecture's people find common ground," Hatoyama told reporters at DPJ headquarters that evening. He added, "I think it would be difficult to find a quick conclusion." This is the first time Hatoyama has touched on the relocation of Futenma airfield since the DPJ won an overwhelming victory in the recent general election for the House of Representatives. The DPJ has been calling for Futenma airfield to be relocated TOKYO 00002054 009 OF 012 outside Okinawa Prefecture. "Basically," Hatoyama said, "we have not changed our standpoint." He stressed, "We would like to find a future course that will realize our wish, in the process of building a relationship of mutual trust with U.S. President Obama." In addition, Hatoyama also referred to his stance of negotiating with the United States. "We will have to make a comprehensive review of not only the Futenma relocation but also the issue of (revising) the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement and the issue of host nation support (omoiyari yosan, or literally "sympathy budget")," he said. Meanwhile, Hatoyama implicitly recognized the difficulty of bilateral negotiations between Japan and the United States, saying, "I strongly feel that this is not a matter we can resolve tomorrow." Hatoyama apparently gave thought to recent remarks made by U.S. government officials who said the U.S. government would not renegotiate the Futenma issue with the Japanese government. (8) Futenma alternative: Flight demonstrations set for Sept. 9 RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) September 4, 2009 The Okinawa Defense Bureau, an outpost of the Defense Ministry in Okinawa Prefecture, decided yesterday to conduct flight demonstrations at the construction site of an alternative facility for the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station at the request of Okinawa Prefecture and its base-hosting municipalities. The government plans to lay down a new airfield in a coastal area of Henoko in the prefecture's northern coastal city of Nago. Two CH-53 heavy-lift helicopters from the U.S. military will be flown over the replacement facility's location for noise monitoring. Meanwhile, Okinawa has been calling for the newly planned airfield's construction site to be moved from its currently planned coastal location to an offshore site. However, the two CH-53 choppers will not be flown over that offshore area. The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ),which has been calling for Futenma airfield to be relocated outside Okinawa Prefecture, will now take the reins of government as a result of the recent general election for the House of Representatives. Under such circumstances, the Defense Ministry will now resume its work for Futenma relocation to Henoko. The Defense Bureau positions the noise-monitoring survey as a step differing from assessing the Futenma replacement facility's potential impact on its environs. However, Okinawa Prefecture, Nago City, and Ginoza Village have asked the government to estimate and assess the new facility's potential impact based on findings from the monitoring survey. (9) F-22s to stay on at Yokota base? AKAHATA (Page 4) (Full) September 4, 2009 F-22 stealth fighter jets were shown to the public at the U.S. Yokota Air Base in Tokyo on Aug. 22-23. The F-22 fighters, however, were still there even yesterday. The F-22s arrived at the U.S. Kadena Air Base in Okinawa Prefecture from the U.S. mainland in late May this year to be deployed there for the time being, and two of them came to Yokota. According to the TOKYO 00002054 010 OF 012 Yokota base's public affairs office, the two F-22 fighter jets were to have returned to Kadena on Aug. 24. However, they cannot take off due to some trouble, the office explained. The first batch of F-22 fighter jets arrived at Kadena in February ¶2007. After that, however, F-22 deployment was delayed due to instrument trouble. Earlier this year, they repeatedly made emergency landings. However, the two F-22 fighters have been at Yokota for over 10 days. "They might have another purpose," an observer said. (10) International carbon market initiative could give impetus to effort to set post-Kyoto Protocol framework: Private sector-funded assistance to developing countries; Japan alarmed about move led by U.S., Europe ASAHI (Page 3) (Excerpts) September 4, 2009 A plan to set up an international carbon market developed at the initiative of the U.S. will be presented at the G-20 starting on September 4. The proposal is expected to speed up the move to create a framework for measures to curb global warming greenhouse gas emissions to be adopted in 2013 (post-Kyoto Protocol). Japan is lagging behind Europe and the U.S. because it has been left out of the loop on the drafting of the plan. It will be imperative for the soon-to-be launched Democratic Part of Japan (DPJ) administration to deal with this situation. Countries participating in the 15th session of the Conference of the Parties to the Climate Change (COP15) to be held in Copenhagen in December this year will aim to reach a post-Kyoto framework agreement. The major focus of attention is whether the meeting can call on developing countries, such as China, where emissions are sharply increasing, to agree to reduce such. The U.S. and Europe want to provide the impetus to persuade developing countries, by setting up an international carbon market. However, coordination of views at the G-20 is expected to be confrontational. Many developing countries are seeking public financial assistance, as they are unable to estimate the amount of funds they can gain on the envisaged international carbon market. Countries like China are calling on industrialized countries to outlay between 0.5 percent and 2.0 percent of their GNP. As such, talks on the international carbon market could drag on until year's end. Some Japanese government officials are cautious about the international carbon market initiative with a government source saying, "We should not decide to render assistance to developing countries before industrialized countries' set their reduction goals." European countries and the U.S. took the initiative for the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol. Japan was made to accept a goal of cutting carbon emissions by 6 percent from the 1990 level, which was higher than it had anticipated. There is a growing sense of crisis that unless Japan takes part in discussions on funds, European countries and the U.S. will again take the lead in adopting a post-Kyoto framework." (11) Prime Minister's Schedule, September 3 TOKYO 00002054 011 OF 012 NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) September 4, 2009 09:48 Met with Chairman Akihiko Tenbo of the Petroleum Association of Japan at the Nippon Keidanren (Japan Business Federation) Hall in Otemachi. Then met with Chairman Shosuke Mori of the Federation of Electric Power Companies of Japan, followed by Nippon Keidanren Chairman Fujio Mitarai. 10:10 Met with Zenchu Chairman Mamoru Mogi in the JA Building. 10:23 Met with Representative Senior Managing Director Kuniyuki Miyahara of the JF Zengyoren in the Co-op Building in Uchikanda. 10:47 Met with Chairman Kaoru Yano and Vice Chairman Masataka Kataoka of the Japan Electronics and Information Technologies Industry Association in the Chiyoda First Building South Annex in Nishikanda. 11:29 Met with Chairman Haruo Yoshida of the Zennama industry association in the Kyoei Building in Hatchobori. 11:42 Met with Chairman Kenichi Asanuma and Vice Chairman Kotaro Yamada of the construction industry association, then attended a board meeting of the Japan Civil Engineering Contractors Association. 12:11 Visited the office of Ikokai (Aso faction) at the National Inn-keepers Hall in Hirakawa-cho. 13:31 Met with Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretaries Matsumoto and Asano. 13:54 Met with Chairman Koji Miyahara of the Japanese Ship Owners' Association in the Maritime Transport Building. 14:09 Met with Executive Director Hiromichi Iwasa of the Real Estate Companies' Association of Japan in the Kasumigaseki Building. 14:52 Met with Chairman Yoshihito Karasawa of the Japan Medical Association at the Japan Medical Association Hall in Honkomagome. 15:20 Met with Chairman Eiji Uehiro of the Jissen Rinri Kosei-Kai in Kudankita. 15:42 Met with Chairman Mitsuo Okubo of the Japan Dental Association at the Japan Dental Association Hall. 15:55 Met with Chairman Masataka Tomita of the Japan Federation of Hire-Taxi Associations at the Automobile Hall in Kudan. 16:10 Met with Chairman Takashi Kodama of the Japan Pharmaceutical Association in the Fuji Kokuhoren Building in Yotsuya. 16:37 Met with Chairman Setsuko Hisatsune of the Japanese Nursing Association and Chairman Kayoko Shimizu of the Japan Nursing Federation in the Japanese Nursing Association Building in Jingumae. 17:54 Met with Chairman Schwab of the World Economic Forum at the Kantei. Foreign Ministry Economic Affairs Bureau Director General Suzuki was present. 19:07 Arrived at the official residence. (12) DPJ President Hatoyama's Schedule 09:58: Left his residence in Denenchofu. 10:50: Met with Lower House member Hirokazu Haraguchi at the DPJ headquarters. 11:00: Met with Ryuzo Hosokawa, the eldest son of late political commentator Ryuichiro Hosokawa. 13:57: Met with New Party Japan leader Tanaka. 14:33: Met with Chairman Koga of the general assembly of LDP lawmakers from both Diet chambers. 14:57: Met with U.S. Ambassador to Japan Roos. 16:00: Telephone call from UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, followed by one from British Ambassador Brown and Spanish Prime TOKYO 00002054 012 OF 012 Minister Zapatero. 16:57: Met with Russian Ambassador to Japan Bely. 18:49: Met with Secretary General Okada. 21:14: Met with DPJ executive office chief Hirano. Then met with Deputy President Kan, followed by Public Relations Committee Chairman Okumura. Then met with Deputy President Ozawa, followed by Hirano. 23:45: Arrived at his private residence. ROOS