DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/03/09

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 002040 SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/03/09 INDEX: (1) Post-election poll (Tokyo Shimbun) (2) Post-election poll (Asahi) (3) Study of DPJ (Part 1): Emphasis on information disclosure since its founding; (fulfillment) of its duty to explain to be issue from now on (Asahi) (4) Researching DPJ (Part 2): Groups may turn into factions; 150-member Ozawa group boasts solid unity (Asahi) (5) Request for new administration: Interview with Nippon Keidanren Chairman Fujio Mitarai by Takashi Iizuka: Hold policy-oriented dialogue with DPJ (Sankei) (6) State Department director urges Japan to abide by the agreement, saying U.S. force realignment was agreed upon by both states (Kyodo) (7) New mayor of Yokosuka criticized for condoning port calls by nuclear-powered aircraft carriers (Akahata) ARTICLES: (1) Post-election poll TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) September 2, 2009 Questions & Answers (Figures shown are percentages. Figures in parentheses are percentages in the last survey, conducted July 3-4.) Q: The Democratic Party of Japan won an overwhelming victory in the election this time for the House of Representatives, and the DPJ will take the reins of government. What do you think about this outcome? It's good 49.2 It's not good 7.8 Can't say which 42.3 Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 0.7 Q: DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama is expected to become Japan's new prime minister. Do you have high expectations for him? Yes 71.1 No 20.2 D/K+N/A 8.7 Q: What do you want most from the new prime minister? Leadership 17.6 Public accountability 26.6 Feelings like ordinary people's 24.9 Sincerity, modesty 13.3 Political ethics, cleanness 12.0 Other answers (O/A) 1.0 D/K+N/A 4.6 TOKYO 00002040 002 OF 011 Q: What do you think the Hatoyama cabinet, which is expected to come into office, should tackle on a priority basis? (Up to two choices) Economic stimulus measures, job security 40.2 Social security, including pension system reform 35.2 Administrative, fiscal reforms, such as eliminating the waste of taxpayers' money 39.7 Civil service reform, such as prohibiting amakudari or retired bureaucrats' practice of moving into public corporations or private businesses 19.0 Childcare support, such as child allowances 17.3 Shift from bureaucracy-led government to politics-led government 8.2 Politics-and-money issues, such as prohibiting corporate donations 6.6 Toll-free expressways 2.7 Social disparity 5.4 Drastic tax reform 7.5 Foreign, security policies 6.3 Constitutional reform 1.3 O/A 0.6 D/K+N/A 1.9 Q: The LDP suffered a crushing defeat in the recent election for the House of Representatives. What do you think about this outcome? It's good 44.8 It's not good 7.8 Can't say either way 47.2 D/K+N/A 0.2 Q: Prime Minister Taro Aso clarified his intention to resign as LDP president after the LDP's crushing defeat in the election for the House of Representatives. Who do you think would be appropriate as the next LDP president? Nobuteru Ishihara 12.2 Shigeru Ishiba 10.5 Koichi Kato 4.8 Masazumi Gotoda 2.7 Sadakazu Tanigaki 5.6 Kunio Hatoyama 8.5 Yoichi Masuzoe 29.1 Others 1.4 D/K+N/A 25.2 Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet? Yes 14.2 (23.4) No 75.3 (60.9) D/K+N/A 10.5 (15.7) Q: Which political party do you support? Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 41.1 (26.5) Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 19.0 (27.2) New Komeito (NK) 5.1 (4.1) Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3.4 (4.5) Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 2.1 (1.0) Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 2.4 --- TOKYO 00002040 003 OF 011 People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 1.5 (0.3) New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.1 (0.1) Other political parties, groups 0.1 (0.1) None 22.9 (32.5) (Note) Total percentage is over 100 PERCENT for multiple-choice answers. Polling methodology: This survey was conducted across the nation on Aug. 31-Sept. 1 by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone numbers, those actually for household use with one or more eligible voters totaled 1,475. Answers were obtained from 1,027 people. (2) Post-election poll ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) September 2, 2009 Questions & Answers (Figures are percentages, rounded off. Figures in parentheses denote the results of the last survey conducted Aug. 15-16.) Q: Which political party do you support now? Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 39 (32) Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 22 (20) New Komeito (NK) 6 (2) Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3 (4) Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (1) Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 1 (0) People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0) New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0) Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0 (0) Other political parties 1 (0) None 22 (24) No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 5 (6) Q: Which political party did you vote for in the general election held this time for the House of Representatives? DPJ 39 LDP 22 NK 10 JCP 6 SDP 3 YP 3 PNP 2 NPN 1 New Party Daichi (NPD or Shinto Daichi) 1 RC 0 Other political parties 1 Q: As a result of the general election, the DPJ will take the reins of government. Do you think the change of government is good? Yes 69 No 10 Q: The DPJ garnered more than 300 seats. Do you think the DPJ's overwhelming victory is good? TOKYO 00002040 004 OF 011 Yes 54 No 25 Q: Do you have high expectations for the incoming DPJ-led government? Yes 74 No 17 Q: Do you think the DPJ-led government will be able to change Japan's politics substantially? Yes 32 No 46 Q: DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama is certain to be elected as the new prime minister. Do you have high expectations for him? Yes 63 No 29 Q: Do you think the DPJ's overwhelming victory is attributable primarily to the public's desire for a change of government from the LDP? Yes 81 No 12 Q: Do you think the DPJ's overwhelming victory is attributable primarily to the public's support for its policies? Yes 38 No 52 Q: The DPJ has pledged to provide a monthly handout of 26,000 yen per child for each household. To compensate, the DPJ plans to abolish spouse and other tax deductions in order to fund the child allowance. Do you support this policy? Yes 31 No 49 Q: The DPJ has pledged to phase out expressway tolls and pay back the debts for expressways built in the past using tax money. Do you support this policy? Yes 20 No 65 Q: The LDP has lost a large number of seats and will become an opposition party. Would you like the LDP to recover as a party to vie with the DPJ? Yes 76 No 17 Polling methodology: The survey was conducted from the late afternoon of Aug. 31 through the evening of Sept. 1 over the telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. Respondents were chosen from among the nation's voting population on a three-stage random-sampling basis. Households with one or more eligible voters totaled 1,855. Valid answers were obtained from TOKYO 00002040 005 OF 011 1,104 people (60 PERCENT ). (3) Study of DPJ (Part 1): Emphasis on information disclosure since its founding; (fulfillment) of its duty to explain to be issue from now on ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) September 2, 2009 Naoki Arima In his stump speech concluding the House of Representatives election campaign in Ikebukuro, Tokyo on August 29, Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama said, "We will formulate policies together with you and give body and soul to establishing the first-ever democratic administration in Japan." He used the expression "together with you" several times. The DPJ's name derives from its slogan "the citizens play the central role." When the old Democratic Party of Japan was founded in 1996, its basic philosophy was that the role of citizens is to "seek information, use their wisdom, propose alternatives, and get involved in creating public value on their own initiative; voting is just a small part of such action." The present DPJ has included child allowances, income subsidies for farming households, and toll free expressways in its manifesto (campaign pledges),which have been criticized as "pork," but the party's vision is a citizenry that is not just on the receiving end and that does not delegate everything to the powers that be. Proper disclosure of information relating to policy is indispensable for the citizens to make independent decisions and act on them. The DPJ has given emphasis to information disclosure from the time of its founding. Deputy President Naoto Kan became a sensation when he was health minister under the coalition government of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP),the (defunct) Japan Socialist Party, and New Party Sakigake for "digging up" documents on AIDS contracted from contaminated blood products - documents which bureaucrats claimed did not exist. When the new DPJ was formed in 1998 by merging with the Good Governance Party, the New Fraternity Party, and other groups, it issued a document entitled "Basic Philosophy" (sic "Basic Policies"),which had a section on information disclosure. The document says, "We shall be thorough in the public disclosure of government information, for it is the starting point of any structural reform of politics, the economy, and society, and is the infrastructure for the citizens' self-reliance and participation." As an opposition party, information disclosure was a weapon to corner the government. The issue of the missing pension records exposed by Policy Research Committee Deputy Chairman Akira Nagatsuma and others became the prime mover behind the reversal of forces between the ruling and opposition parties in the 2007 House of Councillors election. Under the "twisted Diet" (where the ruling bloc controlled the Lower House, while the opposition controlled the Upper House),the DPJ threatened to invoke the Diet members' right to investigate government affairs in its questioning of the suspected use of fuel supplied in the Indian Ocean for other than authorized purposes. TOKYO 00002040 006 OF 011 When the DPJ merged with the Liberal Party led by Ichiro Ozawa in 2003, there were concerns about a regression in information disclosure, because Ozawa was known for "not consulting with others, not explaining, and making no effort to persuade," in the words of a veteran DPJ Diet member. When Ozawa became DPJ president in 2006, he tried to give the impression that he had been "transformed." However, there is no denying that decision-making in the party under Ozawa was a top-down process. In November 2007, Ozawa gave the go ahead to a "grand coalition" with the LDP in a closed door meeting with Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda, although this plan was later aborted due to opposition inside the party. Actually, Ozawa is not negative about information disclosure per se. In his book "Nihon Kaizo Keikaku (Blueprint for a New Japan)" published in 1993, he talked about the importance of information disclosure for "dispelling the people's distrust of politics." Last March, when a lawsuit was filed for the disclosure of the "secret agreement" on the return of Okinawa to Japanese administration, his comment as the DPJ's president was "If we take over the reins of government, we will disclose as much information as possible." With the birth of a DPJ administration, documents and agreements that had been kept secret under LDP rule may now be made public. However, information disclosure is not the only demand on the DPJ as a ruling party. Its fulfillment of its duty to explain (setsumei sekinin ) its policy decisions will also be important. The DPJ will now begin to implement the policies in its manifesto, but there is no denying that all policies have a negative side - for instance, the child allowance plan will actually mean an increase in the financial burden for households with no minor children. It is fine to eliminate thoroughly wasteful spending, but there will be people affected by budget cuts. There is also the possibility that policies may not be implemented due to budgetary constraints or the implementation of certain policies will have to rely on the issuance of additional government bonds. In such a case, will the DPJ be able to explain to the people honestly and meticulously? It is said that the term "setsumei sekinin" was made popular by Kan through his questioning of the administration during his long years in the opposition. Will the DPJ be able to practice information disclosure and meet the requirement of the duty to explain in a way different from the LDP? The true worth of the slogan "the citizens play the central role" will be put to the test. (4) Researching DPJ (Part 2): Groups may turn into factions; 150-member Ozawa group boasts solid unity ASAHI (Page 4) (Abridged slightly) September 3, 2009 Kyohei Matsuda, Keiichi Kaneko The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has been ridiculed as a ragbag of politicians from vastly different political parties. If factions in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) are like athletic associations, groups in the DPJ are like (liberal arts) circles that do not apply strong pressure to their members. Many DPJ lawmakers belong to more than one group. Like the LDP, an inter-factional TOKYO 00002040 007 OF 011 power struggle might break out in the DPJ, a gigantic party with 417 lawmakers. The party's largest group led by Deputy President Ichiro Ozawa could be the eye of the storm. The group includes many first-term lawmakers who won seats in national elections that were conducted under Ozawa's command. The group's membership after the 2007 House of Councillors election was about 50. That number is expected to swell to about 150 after the latest House of Representative election. In the DPJ leadership race in May, the members gave their unanimous support to Yukio Hatoyama on Ozawa's instruction. The group boasts rock-solid unity. It is certain that Ozawa's wishes will sway the outcome of the DPJ presidential race that is carried out every two years. Ozawa may continue reigning over the DPJ as the "kingmaker." In the Ozawa group, there is a group called Isshin-kai, which is composed of first- to fourth-term Lower House members who meet once a week. It is a political organization registered at the Internal Affairs and Communications Ministry. A group of some 20 DPJ members who were first elected to the Upper House in 2007 when Ozawa was serving as party head also meet on an irregular basis. Veteran DPJ lawmakers, including Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Kenji Yamaoko of the now defunct Liberal Party, have always attended the annual New Year's party held at Ozawa's residence. The group's solidarity comes from Ozawa's well-calculated election strategy to back candidates. It is customary for some 20 secretaries to Ozawa to thoroughly conduct grassroots door-to-door election campaigns across the country. Ozawa also excels in raising funds. The Ozawa-style election strategy is changing the nature of the DPJ, which tends to cut corners in elections. The memberships of other groups have been 20 to 30. In order to run in a DPJ leadership race, one needs endorsements from at least 20 people. LDP faction leaders have not aimed for the party presidency since the Koizumi administration. On the other hand, many DPJ group leaders are regarded as candidates for the DPJ presidency. The "group to realize a change of government," led by President Yukio Hatoyama, has consistently had about 30 members, including Yorihisa Matsuno and Sakihito Ozawa, close aides to Hatoyama. The Hatoyama and Ozawa groups ran a joint training course last summer. The two groups are close. The "group to study the new shape of Japan," which has about 20 members, is led by Deputy President Naoto Kan. This group includes lawmakers of all ages from Upper House President Satsuki Eda to Lower House member Manabu Terada. When the DPJ was launched in 1996, the party had 50 lawmakers, including 29 former Japan Socialist Party members -- the largest group in the party. Currently the party has only about 20 former socialist party members. The group to discuss the new political situation includes former Lower House Vice-Speaker Takahiro Yokomichi and DPJ Upper House Caucus Chairman Koshiishi Azuma. The group shares Ozawa's UN-centered security policy. Former Vice President Tatsuo Kawabata belongs to the 25-member social democratic group composed mostly of former Social Democratic Party lawmakers. The group also includes such junior members as TOKYO 00002040 008 OF 011 Taizo Mikazuki and Kaname Tajima, plus veteran Kansei Nakano, a former secretary general. What makes the DPJ unique is that groups composed of mid-ranking and junior lawmakers have a certain level of influence. Representing anti-Ozawa forces, they played a central role in fielding Katsuya Okada in the DPJ presidential race in May. Vice President Seiji Maehara's group, Ryoun-kai, has many former New Party Sakigake members, such as former Policy Research Committee Chairman Yukio Edano. Former New Frontier Party members dominate Kasei-kai headed by Deputy Secretary General Yoshihiko Noda. Noda ran in the 2002 DPJ presidential race. Maehara became DPJ president in 2005 but later resigned from the post due to a bogus email incident. Having lost their momentum, both Maehara and Noda are now non-mainstreamers. Meanwhile, Okada, who is regarded as a leading candidate to replace Hatoyama someday, does not belong to any group. He has been gaining power in the party through such activities as study meetings with mid-ranking members of all groups. (5) Request for new administration: Interview with Nippon Keidanren Chairman Fujio Mitarai by Takashi Iizuka: Hold policy-oriented dialogue with DPJ SANKEI (Page 11) (Full) September 3, 2009 -- There are differences in the policies, including growth strategy, of the Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren) and the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). Mitarai: Stabilizing and improving the daily lives of people is a common purpose of political and business circles. So politics and economy are closely connected to each other based on policies. We will build a policy-centered relationship with the DPJ while holding dialogue with them. We take this policy approach not only to the coalition government of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and New Komeito, but also to a DPJ administration. The Nippon Keidanren and the DPJ have different views on some policies. We also had policies that differed from the LDP-New Komeito coalition government's policies. -- How will you handle the gaps between policies? Mitarai: We will often hold policy dialogue with the DPJ and explain the economic situation so that we can deepen mutual understanding. For the sake of developing the business community and the livelihoods of people, we will collect opinions from economic circles and hold dialogue with the DPJ government. At the stage of implementing policies, we will cooperate with the government as we have in the past. -- DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama is expected to attend the UN General Assembly, which will take place on Sept. 22. Mitarai: I don't know if he will announce at the international conference the DPJ's midterm goal of reducing (Japan's greenhouse gas emissions) by 25 PERCENT from the 1990 level (30 PERCENT from TOKYO 00002040 009 OF 011 2005's level). I want the DPJ to scientifically study its midterm goal based on international standards, the validity of the public burden, and feasibility. I want the goal be discussed nationwide. I think that he should announce it at an international conference after it has been discussed nationwide. -- What is your prediction for the economic effects of the DPJ's manifesto (set of campaign pledges)? Mitarai: I think the DPJ will take the creation of demand in Asia into consideration for its growth strategy. Measures aimed at stimulating domestic demand through income redistribution are the main features of the DPJ's manifesto. However, there are limits to the effectiveness of measures aimed at stimulating domestic demand at a time when the labor force is shrinking because of the falling birthrate and the aging population. An economic policy that balances domestic and foreign demand is required. -- The DPJ has advocated a policy of abolishing corporate donations. Mitarai: The purpose of corporate donations is for private companies to make social contributions so that the public can support politics. Nippon Keidanren member companies make political donations according to the guidelines Nippon Keidanren devised based on its assessments of the policies of political parties. This system supports parliamentary democracy and increases the transparency of political donations. I hope we will be able to continue this system. -- The DPJ has criticized collusive ties among political, bureaucratic, and business interests. Mitarai: There is no such collusion. We strongly oppose collusion. A scandal occasionally occurs but it is a mistake to say that collusion is widespread in Japan. Fujio Mitarai After graduating from the faculty of law of Chuo University in 1961, he entered Canon Camera (currently Canon). He became chairman of Canon in 2006 after serving as Canon U.S.A president and Canon president (in 1995). He assumed the chairmanship of Nippon Keidanren in 2006. He was born in Oita Prefecture. He is ¶73. (Interviewer Takashi Iizuka) (6) State Department director urges Japan to abide by the agreement, saying U.S. force realignment was agreed upon by both states Kyodo, Washington The Democratic Party of Japan vowed in its manifesto (campaign pledges) that (a DPJ) administration will review the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan. Touching on this fact, State Department Office of Japanese Affairs Director Kevin Maher emphasized on Sept. 2 that there is no possibility of a review. "It was agreed upon by the two states," he said. "It is not an agreement with the Liberal Democratic Party." He applied pressure to Japan to advance the U.S. force realignment in accordance with the agreement even after (the DPJ) takes over the reins of government. He was speaking at a forum held in Washington, D.C. TOKYO 00002040 010 OF 011 Maher also indicated that the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture) will "dramatically reduce the burden on Okinawa." He also made it clear that the United States will not respond to the DPJ's call for a review of the plan to relocate the base to the coastal area of Camp Schwab in Nago. "Pushing ahead with the plan will serve the interests of all," he said. He maintained that the decision was made after studying other options, such as the DPJ's call to move the air station out of Okinawa. Furthermore, Maher indicated that after the Obama administration was launched in the United States this year, Japan and the United States held close talks and that the "transition went smoothly because a large portion of U.S. policy toward Japan was passed on (to the Obama administration.)" Additionally, taking into account the fact that the DPJ, which proposes building "equal Japan-U.S. relations," has been calling for putting an end to the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, Maher expressed his hope for continued Japan-U.S. cooperation on a variety of issues, including the fight against terrorism, saying, "Leadership comes with responsibility." (7) New mayor of Yokosuka criticized for condoning port calls by nuclear-powered aircraft carriers AKAHATA (Page 13) (Full) September 3, 2009 Mayor Yuto Yoshida (independent) of Yokosuka City, who defeated the incumbent mayor Ryoichi Kabaya (endorsed by the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito) and was elected last June, is under fire from citizens for making repeated statements condoning port calls by the U.S. forces' nuclear-powered aircraft carriers at Yokosuka. Kabaya was defeated in the mayoral race because he rejected the demand in a petition signed by over 50,000 citizens for legislating an ordinance on holding a referendum on whether to allow port calls by nuclear-powered aircraft carriers. Yoshida was elected under the platform of "change" and "breaking away from bureaucratic control," but he is taking the same position as the former mayor on allowing visits by nuclear-powered aircraft carriers. Yoshida had stated in his manifesto that, "The existence of nuclear-powered aircraft carriers and military bases should be accepted as reality, and measures to deal with the military bases will be promoted accordingly." At his regular news conference on August 11, Yoshida was asked to comment on the first anniversary of the U.S. military base in Yokosuka becoming the home port of the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier George Washington. He said repeatedly: "Reality should be accepted as reality." His comment on the port call on Yokosuka by the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier Nimitz from August 24-28 was: "I understand that this is based on an agreement between the Japanese and U.S. governments." (Kanagawa Shimbun, August 20) At a news conference on August 25, he further said that port calls by nuclear-powered aircraft carriers other than the George Washington "do not constitute a significant reinforcement of base functions," clearly indicating his acceptance of such port calls. The U.S. Navy asserts that the Nimitz's port call on Yokosuka was "an outward demonstration of U.S. commitment to the defense of Japan TOKYO 00002040 011 OF 011 and to maintaining peace and stability throughout the entire East Asia region." (USS Nimitz Public Affairs; U.S. Navy homepage news, August 27, 2009). ROOS