DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/04/09

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 08 TOKYO 001786

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TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA

SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/04/09

INDEX:

(1) Yonhap: Ex-President Clinton to visit North Korea to discuss
release of female reporters (Asahi)
(2) Diplomatic missions anxious to learn DPJ's foreign policy
(Asahi)
(3) Secret pact diplomacy (Part 1): How should Japan deal with the
nuclear umbrella? (Nikkei)
(4) Interview with film director Kaneto Shindo: Hiroshima should ask
Obama for nuclear-free world (Asahi)
(5) Former Enola Gay crewmember opposes offering an apology, a
reversal of the anti-nuclear trend (Mainichi)
(6) Pre-election poll on public trends (Tokyo Shimbun)

ARTICLES:

(1) Yonhap: Ex-President Clinton to visit North Korea to discuss
release of female reporters

ASAHI ONLINE (Full)
11:08, August 4, 2009

Yoshihiro Makino

It was learned that former President Bill Clinton has departed from
the United States of a flight to North Korea. He is expected to
arrive in Pyongyang shortly. This was revealed by a Republic of
Korea (ROK) source on August 4. The visit is aimed at seeking the
handover of the two female American reporters who were detained by
the DPRK in March. North Korea, which has become increasingly
isolated internationally due to its nuclear tests and missile
launches, has been looking for an opportunity to hold a dialogue
with the U.S., while refusing to return to the Six-Party Talks. It
is possible that Clinton's visit may lead to the revival of the
dialogue policy.

Clinton will be the second former U.S. president to visit North
Korea, following that by former President Jimmy Carter, who met
President Kim Il Sung in June 1994. Clinton considered making a
visit to the DPRK shortly before he stepped down as president in
December 2000, but he had to abandon the idea. It is conceivable
that during the visit, he may meet General Secretary Kim Jong Il in
his capacity of a former head of state.

According to U.S. and ROK sources, North Korea has been seeking a
visit by a senior U.S. official or a high-level dignitary. In
response, the U.S. took the position that "the detention of the two
reporters in itself is a violation of human rights, and the U.S.
will not agree to hold a bilateral dialogue on the spot." In
refusing to dispatch officials, the U.S. demanded that North Korea
first show its willingness to hand over the two reporters as a
condition for dispatching a high-level dignitary.

It is still unknown what sort of agreement the two sides had reached
which led to Clinton's trip. However, Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton, while expressing her regret regarding this incident in
July, asked not for the release, but for the "pardon" of the two
women. She took a conciliatory stance by showing a certain measure
of understanding for North Korea's legal procedures.

On March 17, North Korea detained Korean American Yuna Lee and
Chinese American Laura Ling, reporters for the U.S.' Current TV who

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were on a news assignment near the China-North Korea border. In
June, they were charged with the "crime of hostility against the
Korean nation" and sentenced to 12 years of education through labor.
However, their sentence has not been executed and by July, it was
found that they were under house arrest at a guest house in
Pyongyang. This was taken as a sign that North Korea wanted a
political solution to this affair, and there had been speculation
that the U.S. government would soon make a move to resolve the
issue.

(2) Diplomatic missions anxious to learn DPJ's foreign policy

ASAHI SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Abridged slightly)
August 4, 2009

The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) released its manifesto (campaign
pledges) for the Lower House election on July 28. The party
headquarters, located in Nagata-cho, Tokyo, was inundated with
inquiries from diplomatic missions of various countries on the
following day. They all asked when the English version would be
available.

The DPJ was set to post the English version of its manifesto on its
website on the same evening. Staffers at the party headquarters
replied to inquirers, "We will post the English version on our
site."

Officers responsible for political affairs at diplomatic missions
are tasked with gathering information. They do not make any open
statements on the general election so as not to be taken as
interfering in domestic affairs. However, a diplomat of a certain
Asian country revealed, "We are receiving questions from our home
county one after the other about how Japan will change."

Behind-the-scene moves are also brisk. The South Korean Embassy in
Japan invited members of the Group of Lawmakers to Build a Strategic
Japan-South Korean Relations of the DPJ for a working lunch. They
include those who are responsible for the party's foreign policy,
starting with Chairman Seiji Maehara. The DPJ has taken the
invitation as the indication of South Korea's desire to reaffirm the
DPJ's response to the situation in North Korea.

However, a related source revealed that the greatest matter of
concern for the South Korean Embassy is the Takeshima Island (Dokdo
in South Korea),over which it claims sovereignty. How will the DPJ
tackle the Takeshima Island ownership issue, which could set off
ethnic emotions? A chaotic situation could occur, depending on the
outcome of the election.

Taiwanese authorities are interested in the DPJ's policy toward the
U.S. One official said, "We understand the situation in Japan,
because we have experiences changes of administration. If the DPJ
takes the reins of government, there could be confusion at first."
They are concerned that if the Japan-U.S. alliance drifts, it could
affect the security of East Asia.

Sources connected with the Chinese Embassy are concerned about the
future course of "party diplomacy." Senior officials of the Chinese
Communist Party's International Liaison Department dispatched to the
Chinese Embassy in Japan have built relations with opposition
parties, including the DPJ. However, their relations with Japanese
opposition parties are not as deep as those with the LDP. They said

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that if the DPJ becomes a ruling party, they would have to deepen
their exchanges with them, as well.

Even if bilateral relations are stable, they could change all of a
sudden once unexpected events occur, such as anti-Japanese
demonstrations in the past or the food-poisoning incidents caused by
Chinese-made gyoza dumplings. Chinese officials have handled
troubles through channels with LDP politicians, whenever they
occurred. If a power shift occurs in Japan, party diplomacy with the
DPJ will take on an added significance.

The Xinhua News Agency on the day following the Lower House
dissolution posted on its site a statement by Chinese Ambassador to
Japan Cui Tiankai on Japan-China relations after the general
election. It went: "Japanese political parties differ in their views
on many domestic issues. They are at odds over some issues. However,
they share their stance regarding the need to develop bilateral
relations." The statement sent a message that China wants to build
stable bilateral relations with Japan even if a DPJ government is
launched.

There are, of course, differences in the approaches of various
embassies. For instance, a spokesman for the Ethiopian Embassy said,
"The Ambassador is home on leave. He will not return to Japan until
late August." It appears that many diplomatic missions will just
wait for the result of the election because of the summer vacation
season.

(3) Secret pact diplomacy (Part 1): How should Japan deal with the
nuclear umbrella?

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly)
August 4, 2009

Former Administrative Vice-Foreign Ryohei Murata has indicated the
existence of a secret agreement (between Japan and the United
States) allowing the introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan.
Murata's statement has renewed questions about the transparency of
the Japan-U.S. security setup and (Japan's) foreign policy. Next
year marks the 50th anniversary of the conclusion of the revised
U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. This article examines the challenges of
Japan's foreign policy that are associated with the secret deal.

In 1963, a question was asked at the Diet about whether or not
nuclear-armed U.S. warships had called at Japanese posts. Then U.S.
Ambassador to Japan Edwin O. Reischauer advised the U.S. State
Department to disclose the secret pact. But Japan's answer was
'no.'

The secret pact was designed for Tokyo to condone port calls in
Japan by U.S. warships and aircraft carrying nuclear weapons.
Japan's position was that (such port calls) were subject to prior
consultations under the security treaty. (The secret pact) was
reportedly concluded when the bilateral security treaty was revised
in line with the wishes of the United States which was against
military restrictions.

As the only country in the world to have suffered an atomic attack,
Japan has a particularly strong negative response to nuclear
weapons. Comments that were taken as rejecting the secret agreement
began coming from the then Ikeda cabinet, with one saying, "Port
calls constitute the introduction of (nuclear weapons)." Reischauer

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eventually took the approach of inviting Foreign Minister Masayoshi
Ohira to a breakfast meeting to confirm the agreement.

It can be said that the secret pact was the ultimate decision, given
the security environment and the circumstances at home and abroad at
the time, including the Cold War, tense China-Taiwan relations, and
the Korean Peninsula issue. In 1967, Prime Minister Eisaku Sato
announced the three non-nuclear principles of not possessing,
producing, or permitting the introduction of nuclear weapons into
Japan, and reality increasingly became out of sync with the
principles thereafter.

The existence of the secret deal has become clear through U.S.
government documents and other materials. Even so, the Japanese
government has repeatedly insisted, "There have been no prior
consultations, so nuclear weapons have not been brought into Japan."
All the more because of that, the statement by former Vice-Foreign
Minister Murata, who was responsible for Japan's foreign policy,
caused a huge sensation.

President Yukio Hatoyama of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ),
which aims to take over the reins of government at the Aug. 30 House
of Representatives election, said at a July 14 press conference, "It
is necessary for us to consider moving in that direction." Hatoyama
later offered an explanation about this statement which could have
been taken to suggest condoning the introduction of nuclear weapons
into Japan. Former Lower House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman
Yohei Kono of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) announced his
intent to urge the government to admit the existence of the secret
agreement.

The view prevalent in the country has been that the government has
told the people a lie about the secret nuclear pact and that the
secret pact has been a symbol of Japan's foreign policy that blindly
followed in the footsteps of the United States. There has been a
noticeable move recently to discuss the secret deal in relation to
America's nuclear deterrent. The reason is because North Korea has
conducted two nuclear tests.

The first point at issue is the significance of the secret agreement
itself. The U.S. government announced in 1992 the removal of nuclear
weapons from its surface ships. Today, U.S. warships do not carry
nuclear weapons with the exception of submarines carrying ballistic
missiles. Some experts say that the secret nuclear deal no longer
has any significance. But at the same time, the Japanese Communist
Party and others warn that nuclear-armed U.S. warships will again
call at Japanese ports and pass through Japan's territorial waters
if a contingency arises.

The second point is the modality of the U.S. nuclear deterrent.
There is a view in Ministry of Defense that the disclosure of the
pact allowing the introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan would
help reinforce (the U.S.) nuclear deterrent. The argument might
result in a review of the three non-nuclear principles. The opinion
holds that a clear definition of the U.S. nuclear umbrella would
help contain the argument supporting Japan's nuclearization.

Some in Japan are calling for the legislation of the three
non-nuclear principles. One of them is the Social Democratic Party,
which envisages forming a coalition government with the DPJ in the
future. The Japanese and U.S. governments are scheduled to begin
regular bilateral talks on the nuclear deterrent shortly. But Kono

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said, "The nuclear deterrent cannot be discussed while dwelling on
the question of the secret pact." How to approach the U.S. nuclear
deterrent will be a challenge for the new administration to be
launched in Japan after the upcoming Lower House election.

(4) Interview with film director Kaneto Shindo: Hiroshima should ask
Obama for nuclear-free world

ASAHI (Page 3) (Full)
August 1, 2009

I would like to make a film about "Hiroshima" before I die. I want
describe what happened in the first three seconds after the atomic
bomb was dropped. Hiroshima was not a battle field but a peaceful
rear area. Hiroshima citizens, who woke up as usual on the morning
of Aug. 6, were burned by a light that was stronger than sunlight
and blown away by the explosion. I want to make a film of the
tragedy in which tens of thousands of people were killed in a moment
and so many had their arms and legs torn off. I would like to show
that tragedy to the people in the world. I believe by doing so, the
film will able to change people's thinking about nuclear weapons.
Although the film script has been written, I have neither 2 billion
yen for production costs, nor the physical strength.

At the age of 32, I was called to the Imperial Japanese Navy and
became a petty officer 2nd class. Most of my 100 colleagues were
sent to the front. Only six persons, who were kept in the country,
were able to survive. All those who died had families. I cannot
think I was lucky. I still feel I have lived in return for the lives
of 94 colleagues.

There are always wars in the world. In Iraq, people die every day.
The history of warfare only tells the deal toll such as 200,000
persons as a result of the atomic bombing and 3 million people in
the Pacific War. We should not forget that if one person dies, his
family will collapse. We must not engage in warfare because
individuals are killed in a war between a country and country.

Standing at the platform of Hiroshima Station after being
demobilized, I was surprised at the sight of the city. The beautiful
city was burnt to the ground. From the station we can see a view of
the Ninoshima Island. As a native of Hiroshima, I felt that I was
exposed to radiation. As a film director, I first made the film
titled "Atomic Bomb Child" (released in 1952). Since then, I have
been persistent about the atomic bombing.

I was impressed that U.S. President Barack Obama has acknowledged
for the first time the U.S.' moral responsibility for the atomic
bombing. I presume that speaking about nuclear disarmament does not
gain popularity in the United States. I sense that the President has
a firm determination to abolish nuclear weapons from the fact that
he has pushed forward with negotiations with Russia on nuclear
disarmament. I hope that he will watch my film if possible.

The atomic bombing for which citizens became guinea pigs is a human
rights violation without fail. A U.S. president signed the final
order. If Mr. Obama comes to Hiroshima, Hiroshima should ask him
what he thinks about the historic fact that the United States
dropped an atomic bomb for the first time in the world. How he will
answer the question would have great meaning when we predict the
future of nuclear weapons.


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Kaneto Shindo: Born in Hiroshima Prefecture; age 97; entered the
film industry in 1934; made 48 films.

(5) Former Enola Gay crewmember opposes offering an apology, a
reversal of the anti-nuclear trend

MAINICHI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly)
August 3, 2009

Takayasu Ogura, Las Vegas

As was indicated in an interview with the Mainichi Shimbun by Morris
Jepson, a crewmember of the Enola Gay, there are still many American
people who think the atomic bombing (of Japan) was necessary to end
the war quickly. At the same time, as seen in the reference to
America's "moral responsibility" for the first time by President
Barack Obama as the U.S. leader, it is a fact that momentum is
building toward questioning the use of nuclear weapons. Jepson's
remarks can be taken to show a sense of alarm toward such a move
held by persons directly involved in the matter.

To those directly involved in the atomic bombing of Japan, President
Obama's remarks in Prague referring to America's moral
responsibility must have been something that could not be
overlooked. Jepson repeatedly criticized this part in a strong tone.
To a question asking what if the U.S. President visits a bombed area
in the future, Jepson replied, "If he offered an apology, we would
be angry."

The view is still prevalent in the United States that the country
used atomic bombs against Japan to bring an early end to the war.
President Obama went one step further to (mention America's moral
responsibility) as the U.S. leader.

Since the Soviet Union developed nuclear weapons, nuclear weapons
continued to spread in the post-WWII era. Under the Nuclear
Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT),only the United States, Britain,
France, Russia, and China are allowed to possess nuclear weapons.
Despite that, India, Pakistan, and North Korea have declared the
possession of nuclear weapons, and Israel is also believed to have
nuclear weapons.

With the danger of nuclear weapons falling in the hands of
terrorists being mentioned, the view that nuclear development will
not contribute to global peace in any way is emerging in the United
States as well. A sense of alarm held by Jepson and others can said
to be a reversal of such an anti-nuclear trend of the world.

(6) Pre-election poll on public trends

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full)
August 4, 2009

Questions & Answers
(Figures shown in percentage. Figures in parentheses denote the
results of the last survey conducted July 25-26.)

Q: To what extent are you interested in the forthcoming general
election for the House of Representatives?

Very interested 46.2 (46.8)
Somewhat interested 39.0 (37.7)

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Not very interested 10.6 (12.8)
Not interested at all 4.1 (2.5)
Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 0.1 (0.2)

Q: Which political party's candidate are you going to vote for in
your single-seat constituency in the general election?

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 16.9 (16.1)
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 33.9 (31.7)
New Komeito (NK) 1.8 (3.7)
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2.0 (3.8)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 0.9 (1.1)
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.7 (0.5)
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) --- (---)
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) --- (---)
Other political parties, groups 0.1 (---)
Independent candidate 0.9 (0.5)
None 3.5 (2.5)
Undecided 38.0 (38.8)
D/K+N/A 1.3 (1.3)

Q: Which political party are you going to vote for in your
proportional representation bloc?

LDP 16.7 (15.6)
DPJ 34.4 (30.7)
NK 2.9 (4.9)
JCP 2.4 (5.0)
SDP 1.4 (1.1)
PNP 1.1 (0.9)
RC --- (---)
NPN 0.1 (0.1)
Other political parties, groups 0.1 (0.1)
None 1.7 (2.6)
Undecided 37.6 (37.4)
D/K+N/A 1.6 (1.6)

Q: What do you weigh the most when you vote in the general
election?

Social security, such as pension and healthcare 37.7 (40.2)
Economy, job security 30.1 (29.9)
Taxation, such as consumption tax 9.5 (8.5)
Decentralization, administrative reform 6.9 (7.5)
Constitutional reform 1.3 (2.4)
Foreign relations, national security 1.7 (3.1)
Politics and money 5.7 (4.2)
Political heredity 1.2 (1.0)
Other answers 2.2 (1.0)
D/K+N/A 3.2 (2.2)

Q: Are you going to vote in the forthcoming election?

Yes for sure (including early voting) 76.1 (73.1)
Yes if possible 21.6 (22.4)
No 2.0 (3.2)
D/K+N/A 0.3 (1.3)

Q: What form of government would you like to see after the next
general election?

LDP-led coalition government 18.2 (18.6)

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DPJ-led coalition government 39.7 (38.6)
LDP-DPJ grand coalition 15.0 (11.6)
New framework through political realignment 15.4 (19.4)
D/K+N/A 11.7 (11.8)

Q: When comparing Prime Minister Taro Aso and DPJ President Yukio
Hatoyama, who do you think is more appropriate for prime minister?

Taro Aso 19.7 (22.8)
Yukio Hatoyama 46.6 (48.5)
D/K+N/A 33.7 (28.7)

Q: Is there a political party you usually support?

Yes 31.7 (33.8)
No 67.1 (65.1)
D/K+N/A 1.2 (1.1)

Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the foregoing question)
Then, which political party do you support?

LDP 52.6 (42.5)
DPJ 31.2 (32.4)
NK 5.8 (11.0)
JCP 4.5 (10.0)
SDP 2.9 (1.8)
PNP 0.7 (0.5)
RC --- (---)
NPN --- (---)
Other political parties, groups 0.2 (---)
D/K+N/A 2.1 (1.8)

Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the foregoing question) If
you were to support a political party, which political party would
you like to choose?

LDP 17.1 (17.4)
DPJ 40.6 (37.0)
NK 2.5 (1.8)
JCP 1.8 (2.8)
SDP 0.6 (1.8)
PNP 0.4 (1.7)
RC --- (0.1)
NPN --- (0.3)
Other political parties, groups --- (---)
Still none 35.1 (35.3)
D/K+N/A 1.9 (1.8)

Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet?

Yes 19.9 (18.4)
No 67.6 (71.4)
D/K+N/A 12.5 (10.2)

Polling methodology: This survey was conducted across the nation on
Aug. 1-2 by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random digit
dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone numbers,
those actually for household use with one or more eligible voters
totaled 1,774. Answers were obtained from 1,242 persons.

ZUMWALT