DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/04/09

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 08 TOKYO 001786 SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/04/09 INDEX: (1) Yonhap: Ex-President Clinton to visit North Korea to discuss release of female reporters (Asahi) (2) Diplomatic missions anxious to learn DPJ's foreign policy (Asahi) (3) Secret pact diplomacy (Part 1): How should Japan deal with the nuclear umbrella? (Nikkei) (4) Interview with film director Kaneto Shindo: Hiroshima should ask Obama for nuclear-free world (Asahi) (5) Former Enola Gay crewmember opposes offering an apology, a reversal of the anti-nuclear trend (Mainichi) (6) Pre-election poll on public trends (Tokyo Shimbun) ARTICLES: (1) Yonhap: Ex-President Clinton to visit North Korea to discuss release of female reporters ASAHI ONLINE (Full) 11:08, August 4, 2009 Yoshihiro Makino It was learned that former President Bill Clinton has departed from the United States of a flight to North Korea. He is expected to arrive in Pyongyang shortly. This was revealed by a Republic of Korea (ROK) source on August 4. The visit is aimed at seeking the handover of the two female American reporters who were detained by the DPRK in March. North Korea, which has become increasingly isolated internationally due to its nuclear tests and missile launches, has been looking for an opportunity to hold a dialogue with the U.S., while refusing to return to the Six-Party Talks. It is possible that Clinton's visit may lead to the revival of the dialogue policy. Clinton will be the second former U.S. president to visit North Korea, following that by former President Jimmy Carter, who met President Kim Il Sung in June 1994. Clinton considered making a visit to the DPRK shortly before he stepped down as president in December 2000, but he had to abandon the idea. It is conceivable that during the visit, he may meet General Secretary Kim Jong Il in his capacity of a former head of state. According to U.S. and ROK sources, North Korea has been seeking a visit by a senior U.S. official or a high-level dignitary. In response, the U.S. took the position that "the detention of the two reporters in itself is a violation of human rights, and the U.S. will not agree to hold a bilateral dialogue on the spot." In refusing to dispatch officials, the U.S. demanded that North Korea first show its willingness to hand over the two reporters as a condition for dispatching a high-level dignitary. It is still unknown what sort of agreement the two sides had reached which led to Clinton's trip. However, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, while expressing her regret regarding this incident in July, asked not for the release, but for the "pardon" of the two women. She took a conciliatory stance by showing a certain measure of understanding for North Korea's legal procedures. On March 17, North Korea detained Korean American Yuna Lee and Chinese American Laura Ling, reporters for the U.S.' Current TV who TOKYO 00001786 002 OF 008 were on a news assignment near the China-North Korea border. In June, they were charged with the "crime of hostility against the Korean nation" and sentenced to 12 years of education through labor. However, their sentence has not been executed and by July, it was found that they were under house arrest at a guest house in Pyongyang. This was taken as a sign that North Korea wanted a political solution to this affair, and there had been speculation that the U.S. government would soon make a move to resolve the issue. (2) Diplomatic missions anxious to learn DPJ's foreign policy ASAHI SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Abridged slightly) August 4, 2009 The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) released its manifesto (campaign pledges) for the Lower House election on July 28. The party headquarters, located in Nagata-cho, Tokyo, was inundated with inquiries from diplomatic missions of various countries on the following day. They all asked when the English version would be available. The DPJ was set to post the English version of its manifesto on its website on the same evening. Staffers at the party headquarters replied to inquirers, "We will post the English version on our site." Officers responsible for political affairs at diplomatic missions are tasked with gathering information. They do not make any open statements on the general election so as not to be taken as interfering in domestic affairs. However, a diplomat of a certain Asian country revealed, "We are receiving questions from our home county one after the other about how Japan will change." Behind-the-scene moves are also brisk. The South Korean Embassy in Japan invited members of the Group of Lawmakers to Build a Strategic Japan-South Korean Relations of the DPJ for a working lunch. They include those who are responsible for the party's foreign policy, starting with Chairman Seiji Maehara. The DPJ has taken the invitation as the indication of South Korea's desire to reaffirm the DPJ's response to the situation in North Korea. However, a related source revealed that the greatest matter of concern for the South Korean Embassy is the Takeshima Island (Dokdo in South Korea),over which it claims sovereignty. How will the DPJ tackle the Takeshima Island ownership issue, which could set off ethnic emotions? A chaotic situation could occur, depending on the outcome of the election. Taiwanese authorities are interested in the DPJ's policy toward the U.S. One official said, "We understand the situation in Japan, because we have experiences changes of administration. If the DPJ takes the reins of government, there could be confusion at first." They are concerned that if the Japan-U.S. alliance drifts, it could affect the security of East Asia. Sources connected with the Chinese Embassy are concerned about the future course of "party diplomacy." Senior officials of the Chinese Communist Party's International Liaison Department dispatched to the Chinese Embassy in Japan have built relations with opposition parties, including the DPJ. However, their relations with Japanese opposition parties are not as deep as those with the LDP. They said TOKYO 00001786 003 OF 008 that if the DPJ becomes a ruling party, they would have to deepen their exchanges with them, as well. Even if bilateral relations are stable, they could change all of a sudden once unexpected events occur, such as anti-Japanese demonstrations in the past or the food-poisoning incidents caused by Chinese-made gyoza dumplings. Chinese officials have handled troubles through channels with LDP politicians, whenever they occurred. If a power shift occurs in Japan, party diplomacy with the DPJ will take on an added significance. The Xinhua News Agency on the day following the Lower House dissolution posted on its site a statement by Chinese Ambassador to Japan Cui Tiankai on Japan-China relations after the general election. It went: "Japanese political parties differ in their views on many domestic issues. They are at odds over some issues. However, they share their stance regarding the need to develop bilateral relations." The statement sent a message that China wants to build stable bilateral relations with Japan even if a DPJ government is launched. There are, of course, differences in the approaches of various embassies. For instance, a spokesman for the Ethiopian Embassy said, "The Ambassador is home on leave. He will not return to Japan until late August." It appears that many diplomatic missions will just wait for the result of the election because of the summer vacation season. (3) Secret pact diplomacy (Part 1): How should Japan deal with the nuclear umbrella? NIKKEI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) August 4, 2009 Former Administrative Vice-Foreign Ryohei Murata has indicated the existence of a secret agreement (between Japan and the United States) allowing the introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan. Murata's statement has renewed questions about the transparency of the Japan-U.S. security setup and (Japan's) foreign policy. Next year marks the 50th anniversary of the conclusion of the revised U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. This article examines the challenges of Japan's foreign policy that are associated with the secret deal. In 1963, a question was asked at the Diet about whether or not nuclear-armed U.S. warships had called at Japanese posts. Then U.S. Ambassador to Japan Edwin O. Reischauer advised the U.S. State Department to disclose the secret pact. But Japan's answer was 'no.' The secret pact was designed for Tokyo to condone port calls in Japan by U.S. warships and aircraft carrying nuclear weapons. Japan's position was that (such port calls) were subject to prior consultations under the security treaty. (The secret pact) was reportedly concluded when the bilateral security treaty was revised in line with the wishes of the United States which was against military restrictions. As the only country in the world to have suffered an atomic attack, Japan has a particularly strong negative response to nuclear weapons. Comments that were taken as rejecting the secret agreement began coming from the then Ikeda cabinet, with one saying, "Port calls constitute the introduction of (nuclear weapons)." Reischauer TOKYO 00001786 004 OF 008 eventually took the approach of inviting Foreign Minister Masayoshi Ohira to a breakfast meeting to confirm the agreement. It can be said that the secret pact was the ultimate decision, given the security environment and the circumstances at home and abroad at the time, including the Cold War, tense China-Taiwan relations, and the Korean Peninsula issue. In 1967, Prime Minister Eisaku Sato announced the three non-nuclear principles of not possessing, producing, or permitting the introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan, and reality increasingly became out of sync with the principles thereafter. The existence of the secret deal has become clear through U.S. government documents and other materials. Even so, the Japanese government has repeatedly insisted, "There have been no prior consultations, so nuclear weapons have not been brought into Japan." All the more because of that, the statement by former Vice-Foreign Minister Murata, who was responsible for Japan's foreign policy, caused a huge sensation. President Yukio Hatoyama of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), which aims to take over the reins of government at the Aug. 30 House of Representatives election, said at a July 14 press conference, "It is necessary for us to consider moving in that direction." Hatoyama later offered an explanation about this statement which could have been taken to suggest condoning the introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan. Former Lower House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Yohei Kono of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) announced his intent to urge the government to admit the existence of the secret agreement. The view prevalent in the country has been that the government has told the people a lie about the secret nuclear pact and that the secret pact has been a symbol of Japan's foreign policy that blindly followed in the footsteps of the United States. There has been a noticeable move recently to discuss the secret deal in relation to America's nuclear deterrent. The reason is because North Korea has conducted two nuclear tests. The first point at issue is the significance of the secret agreement itself. The U.S. government announced in 1992 the removal of nuclear weapons from its surface ships. Today, U.S. warships do not carry nuclear weapons with the exception of submarines carrying ballistic missiles. Some experts say that the secret nuclear deal no longer has any significance. But at the same time, the Japanese Communist Party and others warn that nuclear-armed U.S. warships will again call at Japanese ports and pass through Japan's territorial waters if a contingency arises. The second point is the modality of the U.S. nuclear deterrent. There is a view in Ministry of Defense that the disclosure of the pact allowing the introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan would help reinforce (the U.S.) nuclear deterrent. The argument might result in a review of the three non-nuclear principles. The opinion holds that a clear definition of the U.S. nuclear umbrella would help contain the argument supporting Japan's nuclearization. Some in Japan are calling for the legislation of the three non-nuclear principles. One of them is the Social Democratic Party, which envisages forming a coalition government with the DPJ in the future. The Japanese and U.S. governments are scheduled to begin regular bilateral talks on the nuclear deterrent shortly. But Kono TOKYO 00001786 005 OF 008 said, "The nuclear deterrent cannot be discussed while dwelling on the question of the secret pact." How to approach the U.S. nuclear deterrent will be a challenge for the new administration to be launched in Japan after the upcoming Lower House election. (4) Interview with film director Kaneto Shindo: Hiroshima should ask Obama for nuclear-free world ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) August 1, 2009 I would like to make a film about "Hiroshima" before I die. I want describe what happened in the first three seconds after the atomic bomb was dropped. Hiroshima was not a battle field but a peaceful rear area. Hiroshima citizens, who woke up as usual on the morning of Aug. 6, were burned by a light that was stronger than sunlight and blown away by the explosion. I want to make a film of the tragedy in which tens of thousands of people were killed in a moment and so many had their arms and legs torn off. I would like to show that tragedy to the people in the world. I believe by doing so, the film will able to change people's thinking about nuclear weapons. Although the film script has been written, I have neither 2 billion yen for production costs, nor the physical strength. At the age of 32, I was called to the Imperial Japanese Navy and became a petty officer 2nd class. Most of my 100 colleagues were sent to the front. Only six persons, who were kept in the country, were able to survive. All those who died had families. I cannot think I was lucky. I still feel I have lived in return for the lives of 94 colleagues. There are always wars in the world. In Iraq, people die every day. The history of warfare only tells the deal toll such as 200,000 persons as a result of the atomic bombing and 3 million people in the Pacific War. We should not forget that if one person dies, his family will collapse. We must not engage in warfare because individuals are killed in a war between a country and country. Standing at the platform of Hiroshima Station after being demobilized, I was surprised at the sight of the city. The beautiful city was burnt to the ground. From the station we can see a view of the Ninoshima Island. As a native of Hiroshima, I felt that I was exposed to radiation. As a film director, I first made the film titled "Atomic Bomb Child" (released in 1952). Since then, I have been persistent about the atomic bombing. I was impressed that U.S. President Barack Obama has acknowledged for the first time the U.S.' moral responsibility for the atomic bombing. I presume that speaking about nuclear disarmament does not gain popularity in the United States. I sense that the President has a firm determination to abolish nuclear weapons from the fact that he has pushed forward with negotiations with Russia on nuclear disarmament. I hope that he will watch my film if possible. The atomic bombing for which citizens became guinea pigs is a human rights violation without fail. A U.S. president signed the final order. If Mr. Obama comes to Hiroshima, Hiroshima should ask him what he thinks about the historic fact that the United States dropped an atomic bomb for the first time in the world. How he will answer the question would have great meaning when we predict the future of nuclear weapons. TOKYO 00001786 006 OF 008 Kaneto Shindo: Born in Hiroshima Prefecture; age 97; entered the film industry in 1934; made 48 films. (5) Former Enola Gay crewmember opposes offering an apology, a reversal of the anti-nuclear trend MAINICHI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) August 3, 2009 Takayasu Ogura, Las Vegas As was indicated in an interview with the Mainichi Shimbun by Morris Jepson, a crewmember of the Enola Gay, there are still many American people who think the atomic bombing (of Japan) was necessary to end the war quickly. At the same time, as seen in the reference to America's "moral responsibility" for the first time by President Barack Obama as the U.S. leader, it is a fact that momentum is building toward questioning the use of nuclear weapons. Jepson's remarks can be taken to show a sense of alarm toward such a move held by persons directly involved in the matter. To those directly involved in the atomic bombing of Japan, President Obama's remarks in Prague referring to America's moral responsibility must have been something that could not be overlooked. Jepson repeatedly criticized this part in a strong tone. To a question asking what if the U.S. President visits a bombed area in the future, Jepson replied, "If he offered an apology, we would be angry." The view is still prevalent in the United States that the country used atomic bombs against Japan to bring an early end to the war. President Obama went one step further to (mention America's moral responsibility) as the U.S. leader. Since the Soviet Union developed nuclear weapons, nuclear weapons continued to spread in the post-WWII era. Under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT),only the United States, Britain, France, Russia, and China are allowed to possess nuclear weapons. Despite that, India, Pakistan, and North Korea have declared the possession of nuclear weapons, and Israel is also believed to have nuclear weapons. With the danger of nuclear weapons falling in the hands of terrorists being mentioned, the view that nuclear development will not contribute to global peace in any way is emerging in the United States as well. A sense of alarm held by Jepson and others can said to be a reversal of such an anti-nuclear trend of the world. (6) Pre-election poll on public trends TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) August 4, 2009 Questions & Answers (Figures shown in percentage. Figures in parentheses denote the results of the last survey conducted July 25-26.) Q: To what extent are you interested in the forthcoming general election for the House of Representatives? Very interested 46.2 (46.8) Somewhat interested 39.0 (37.7) TOKYO 00001786 007 OF 008 Not very interested 10.6 (12.8) Not interested at all 4.1 (2.5) Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 0.1 (0.2) Q: Which political party's candidate are you going to vote for in your single-seat constituency in the general election? Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 16.9 (16.1) Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 33.9 (31.7) New Komeito (NK) 1.8 (3.7) Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2.0 (3.8) Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 0.9 (1.1) People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.7 (0.5) Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) --- (---) New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) --- (---) Other political parties, groups 0.1 (---) Independent candidate 0.9 (0.5) None 3.5 (2.5) Undecided 38.0 (38.8) D/K+N/A 1.3 (1.3) Q: Which political party are you going to vote for in your proportional representation bloc? LDP 16.7 (15.6) DPJ 34.4 (30.7) NK 2.9 (4.9) JCP 2.4 (5.0) SDP 1.4 (1.1) PNP 1.1 (0.9) RC --- (---) NPN 0.1 (0.1) Other political parties, groups 0.1 (0.1) None 1.7 (2.6) Undecided 37.6 (37.4) D/K+N/A 1.6 (1.6) Q: What do you weigh the most when you vote in the general election? Social security, such as pension and healthcare 37.7 (40.2) Economy, job security 30.1 (29.9) Taxation, such as consumption tax 9.5 (8.5) Decentralization, administrative reform 6.9 (7.5) Constitutional reform 1.3 (2.4) Foreign relations, national security 1.7 (3.1) Politics and money 5.7 (4.2) Political heredity 1.2 (1.0) Other answers 2.2 (1.0) D/K+N/A 3.2 (2.2) Q: Are you going to vote in the forthcoming election? Yes for sure (including early voting) 76.1 (73.1) Yes if possible 21.6 (22.4) No 2.0 (3.2) D/K+N/A 0.3 (1.3) Q: What form of government would you like to see after the next general election? LDP-led coalition government 18.2 (18.6) TOKYO 00001786 008 OF 008 DPJ-led coalition government 39.7 (38.6) LDP-DPJ grand coalition 15.0 (11.6) New framework through political realignment 15.4 (19.4) D/K+N/A 11.7 (11.8) Q: When comparing Prime Minister Taro Aso and DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama, who do you think is more appropriate for prime minister? Taro Aso 19.7 (22.8) Yukio Hatoyama 46.6 (48.5) D/K+N/A 33.7 (28.7) Q: Is there a political party you usually support? Yes 31.7 (33.8) No 67.1 (65.1) D/K+N/A 1.2 (1.1) Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the foregoing question) Then, which political party do you support? LDP 52.6 (42.5) DPJ 31.2 (32.4) NK 5.8 (11.0) JCP 4.5 (10.0) SDP 2.9 (1.8) PNP 0.7 (0.5) RC --- (---) NPN --- (---) Other political parties, groups 0.2 (---) D/K+N/A 2.1 (1.8) Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the foregoing question) If you were to support a political party, which political party would you like to choose? LDP 17.1 (17.4) DPJ 40.6 (37.0) NK 2.5 (1.8) JCP 1.8 (2.8) SDP 0.6 (1.8) PNP 0.4 (1.7) RC --- (0.1) NPN --- (0.3) Other political parties, groups --- (---) Still none 35.1 (35.3) D/K+N/A 1.9 (1.8) Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet? Yes 19.9 (18.4) No 67.6 (71.4) D/K+N/A 12.5 (10.2) Polling methodology: This survey was conducted across the nation on Aug. 1-2 by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone numbers, those actually for household use with one or more eligible voters totaled 1,774. Answers were obtained from 1,242 persons. ZUMWALT