DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/21/09-2

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 15 TOKYO 001649

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SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/21/09-2

INDEX:
(20) Japan-U.S. administrative-level meeting agrees to hold regular
talks on nuclear umbrella with eye on North Korea situation (Nikkei)


(21) Foreign Minister Nakasone criticizes DPJ leader Hatoyama's
assertion to relocate Futenma base out of Okinawa (Nikkei)

(22) Poll: 76 PERCENT weigh hopes over actual results in voting; 59
PERCENT to vote for another party next time if dissatisfied (Asahi)


(23) Poll: Aso cabinet, political parties (Asahi) 3
(24) DPJ's three principles for eliminating bureaucratic influence
(Tokyo Shimbun)

(25) DPJ shifts to pragmatic policy line, not insisting on
withdrawing MSDF from Indian Ocean immediately (Sankei)

(26) DPJ opposed anti-piracy law but surreptitiously hinted at
enactment to Seamen's Union (Mainichi)

(27) DPJ shifts to pragmatic policies, thinking hard about revenue
sources, departure from Ozawa line in progress (Asahi)

(28) U.S. assistant secretary of state mulls new document on 50th
anniversary of Japan-U.S. security treaty (Yomiuri)

(29) Security policy based on lies (Sankei)

(30) Secret agreement related to reversion of Okinawa: New
historical documents found in South Korea (Asahi)

(31) ISS Japan's experiment module to be completed today, but
post-Kibo strategy nowhere in sight (Yomiuri)

(32) Ghana, a country that is important for Japan (Foresight)

ARTICLES:

(20) Japan-U.S. administrative-level meeting agrees to hold regular
talks on nuclear umbrella with eye on North Korea situation

NIKKEI (Page 1) (Full)
Evening, July 18, 2009

The Japanese and U.S. government held a meeting of their director
general-level foreign and defense officials of the Security
Subcommittee (SSC) at the Foreign Ministry on the morning of July

18. The two sides reached an agreement to establish a working group
to discuss matters regularly to strengthen the nuclear deterrence,
including the U.S. nuclear umbrella over Japan. They also confirmed
a policy course to urge North Korea to return to the Six-Party
Talks, stressing that they cannot condone the DPRK's nuclear and
missile development programs.

The SSC was attended from the Japan side by Foreign Ministry North
American Affairs Bureau Director-General Kazuyoshi Umemoto and
Defense Ministry Defense Policy Bureau Director-General Nobushige
Takamizawa and by Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell and
Assistant Secretary of Defense Wallace Gregson from the U.S. side.
It was the first time for high-level foreign and defense officials

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of the two country to meet since the Obama administration was
launched.

After the talks, Umemoto said, "The four officials will meet at
every opportunity to work out various concrete efforts." Takamizawa
indicated that the two countries will closely discuss matters,
saying, "Talks will be institutionalized."

Establishment of the working group to discuss the deterrence is
aimed at countering North Korea's nuclear development and China's
rapid military buildup. After the meeting, Campbell said, "The
working group will become a venue to confirm that the deterrence is
solid."

With the year 2010 marking the 50th anniversary of the revised
U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, the two countries also agreed to
reexamine the modalities of the Japan-U.S. alliance to make certain
that it can meet changes in the regional security situation. In the
talks, the two countries confirmed a policy direction to proceed
with the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan steadily based on an
agreement reached between Tokyo and Washington. On the North Korea
situation, they agreed for Japan, the United States, and South Korea
to work closely for the resumption of the Six-Party Talks and to
expedite efforts by holding five-party talks excluding the DPRK.

(21) Foreign Minister Nakasone criticizes DPJ leader Hatoyama's
assertion to relocate Futenma base out of Okinawa

NIKKEI ONLINE
13:44, July 21, 2009

Foreign Minister Hirofumi Nakasone, at a press conference after the
cabinet meeting on July 21, criticized Democratic Party of Japan
(DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama's assertion that the U.S. Marine
Corps' Air Station Futenma should be relocated outside Okinawa
Prefecture. Nakasone said:

"He has said the base should be moved out of Okinawa, but he does
not say to where. That is playing foul. He probably is making such a
remark for the sake of the election. Does he want to relocate the
base to Hokkaido or someplace? Unless he spells out exactly what he
means, it is incomprehensible."

(22) Poll: 76 PERCENT weigh hopes over actual results in voting; 59
PERCENT to vote for another party next time if dissatisfied

ASAHI (Page 1) (Abridged)
July 19, 2009

The Asahi Shimbun conducted a public opinion survey through mail to
probe public attitudes concerning what to factor in when choosing a
political party to vote for in the forthcoming election for the
House of Representatives. In the survey, respondents were asked to
choose between "actual results in the past" and "hopes in the
future." In response to this question, "hopes" overwhelmed "actual
results," with 76 PERCENT saying they would attach importance to
"hopes" and 20 PERCENT saying they would consider "actual results"
first. In the survey, respondents were also asked what to do if a
political party they voted for comes into office and they find it
falling short of expectations in its actual results. To this
question, 59 PERCENT answered that they would vote for another
political party in the next election, with 24 PERCENT saying they

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would vote for the same party.

In the survey, respondents were asked about their voting behavior in
past national elections. To this question, 79 PERCENT answered that
they used to vote for "almost the same political party." When it
comes to what to do in future national elections, however, the
proportion of those thinking of voting for "almost the same
political party" was down to 55 PERCENT . Those thinking of voting
for a different party in each national election accounted for 37
PERCENT . Even among those who used to vote for almost the same
party, about 30 PERCENT are expecting to vote for a different
party. This indicates that the voting population will likely become
fluid to easily change the party to vote for, depending on their
expectations for political parties and their ratings for the actual
results of political parties.

In the survey, respondents were also asked what they thought would
be the most important factor for them to choose a political party to
vote for. Among five factors given, "expectations in the future"
accounted for 47 PERCENT , topping all other answers. Among other
answers, "campaign pledges" accounted for 19 PERCENT , "candidates"
at 16 PERCENT , "political parties' actual results in the past" at
12 PERCENT , and "party heads" at 3 PERCENT . The figures show that
people will put together such factors as political parties' campaign
pledges and their heads rather than to factor in these specific
elements.

Respondents were further asked if they would think about a change of
government when choosing a political party to vote for. To this
question, "very much" accounted for 34 PERCENT . Among those who
gave this answer, 66 PERCENT picked the leading opposition
Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto) for proportional
representation, with 21 PERCENT choosing the ruling Liberal
Democratic Party.

When asked to what extent the LDP and the DPJ are competent to run
the government, a total of 44 PERCENT answered that the LDP is
"very" or "somewhat" competent. For the DPJ, "very" and "somewhat"
totaled 59 PERCENT .

The survey was conducted from mid-June through mid-July, with a
total of 3,000 persons chosen across the nation. The retrieval rate
was 74 PERCENT .

(23) Poll: Aso cabinet, political parties

ASAHI (Page 2) (Full)
July 20, 2009

Questions & Answers
(Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Figures in parentheses
denote the results of the last survey conducted July 4-5.)

Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet?

Yes 17 (20)
No 69 (68)

Q: Which political party do you support now?

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 20 (24)
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 31 (25)

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New Komeito (NK) 3 (3)
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 (2)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (1)
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0)
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0 (0)
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0)
Other political parties 0 (0)
None 35 (39)
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 8 (6)

Q: There will be a general election before long for the House of
Representatives. To what extent are you interested in the
forthcoming general election? (One choice only)

Very interested 43 (38)
Somewhat interested 38 (36)
Not very interested 13 (20)
Not interested at all 5 (6)

Q: If you were to vote now in a general election for the House of
Representatives, which political party would you vote for in your
proportional representation bloc?

LDP 19 (22)
DPJ 42 (37)
NK 4 (4)
JCP 4 (4)
SDP 1 (1)
PNP 1 (0)
RC 0 (0)
NPN 0 (0)
Other political parties 1 (1)
N/A+D/K 28 (31)

Q: Which political party's candidate would you like to vote for in
your single-seat constituency?

LDP 20 (22)
DPJ 37 (32)
NK 3 (2)
JCP 2 (2)
SDP 1 (1)
PNP 0 (0)
RC 0 (0)
NPN 0 (0)
Other political parties 0 (0)
Independent candidate 0 (2)
N/A+D/K 37 (39)

Q: Would you like the current LDP-led coalition government to
continue, or would you otherwise like it to be replaced with a
DPJ-led coalition government?

LDP-led coalition 22 (24)
DPJ-led coalition 49 (47)

Q: Who do you think is more appropriate for prime minister, Prime
Minister Aso or DPJ President Hatoyama?

Mr. Aso 21 (22)
Mr. Hatoyama 42 (42)


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Q: Prime Minister Aso has now clarified his intention to dissolve
the House of Representatives. Against this, some lawmakers critical
of Mr. Aso in the LDP called for a party presidential election.
What's your impression of the LDP?

Improved 3
Worsened 50
Unchanged 43


Q: When choosing a political party or a candidate to vote for in the
forthcoming election for the House of Representatives, are you going
to factor in the recently exposed political fund scandal of DPJ
President Hatoyama's fund-raising body?

Yes 26
No 62

Polling methodology: The survey was conducted July 18-19 over the
telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis.
Respondents were chosen from among the nation's voting population on
a three-stage random-sampling basis. Households with one or more
eligible voters totaled 1,824. Valid answers were obtained from
1,064 persons (58 PERCENT ).

(24) DPJ's three principles for eliminating bureaucratic influence

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Top play) (Full)
July 19, 2009

With an eye on a change in government in the upcoming House of
Representatives election, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has
compiled three principles for running its administration. In order
to create a politically-led policy-making system, abandoning the
existing bureaucracy-led policy-making system, the DPJ will include
these three principles: (1) the governing party takes responsibility
for politics, (2) the cabinet alone is responsible for making
policies, and (3) priority is to be given to national interests that
would be formulated under the Prime Minister's Official Residence's
(Kantei) leadership. The principles will be included in a manifesto
(campaign pledges) for the Lower House election, which the party
will announce late this month.

In order to clarify the ruling party's responsibility, the DPJ
intends to review first the current cabinet meeting and
administrative vice ministers' meeting systems. At present, all
policies are decided at meetings of the administrative vice
ministers, and then the prime minister and cabinet members confirm
them at their meetings. Therefore, the DPJ plans to make cabinet
meetings a venue for policy-making.

With regard to the name of the party that runs an administration,
the DPJ would call it
"administrative party" (seikento),instead of the current "ruling
party" (yoto). In order to give the cabinet alone the authority to
make policies, the DPJ would have the government and ruling parties
review the present policy-making system. The party also intends to
add the post of ministerial assistants to the three present
parliamentary posts of cabinet ministers, senior vice ministers, and
parliamentary secretaries; and it would post more than 100
politicians in government offices so that politicians would take the
initiative in policy-making.

TOKYO 00001649 006 OF 015



In order to give the Kantei the initiative in formulating national
strategy, the LDP stipulates in its manifesto that it would set up a
national strategy bureau under the immediate control of prime
minister and recruit talented personnel from the private and public
sectors for that bureau to formulate medium- and long-term "national
visions" for Japan's foreign and domestic policies. The party also
notes that it would change the present budgetary request guidelines
system to a new system under which the national strategy bureau
would lay out the framework with the ministries and agencies then
working out the details.

(25) DPJ shifts to pragmatic policy line, not insisting on
withdrawing MSDF from Indian Ocean immediately

SANKEI (Page 5) (Full)
July 18, 2009

Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama indicated
on July 17 that if a change of administration is achieved after the
forthcoming House of Representatives election, the refueling mission
of the Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) in the Indian Ocean will
continue for the time being. The DPJ had advocated terminating the
refueling operations, but has shifted to a "pragmatic line," giving
importance to its relations with the U.S. government, which seeks
the continuation of the MSDF mission. However, the Social Democratic
Party (SDP),with which the DPJ is planning to form a coalition
government, insists on immediate withdrawal of the MSDF. This issue
is likely to affect future negotiations on forming the coalition.

At a news conference in Tokyo, Hatoyama explained the reason for
allowing the MSDF mission to continue for the time being,
emphasizing: "Continuity is necessary in foreign policy. It is
imprudent to terminate the mission right away. We will take time to
consult with the concerned countries after assuming power and then
decide on our policy course." Secretary General Katsuya Okada also
indicated at a news conference on the same day that this issue will
be dealt with flexibly from the standpoint of giving importance to
the Japan-U.S. alliance and consideration for relations with the
U.S.

The refueling mission is based on the amended new special
antiterrorism measures law enacted in December 2008, which expires
on January 15, 2010. When Ichiro Ozawa was president, the DPJ
criticized this law as "unconstitutional" and opposed the legal
amendment to extend the MSDF mission. This had resulted in the
temporary suspension of the refueling operations for about four
months from November 2007.

Due to the above, there is an opinion in the DPJ, as articulated by
Keiichiro Asao, minister of defense in the DPJ's "Next Cabinet", "It
does not make sense to continue an operation the previous president
called 'unconstitutional'." The immediate withdrawal of the MSDF
had been the party's established policy.

Okada has also said, "Basically, the DPJ's (opposition to the
refueling mission) remains unchanged," indicating a cautious stance
on continuing the mission after the law expires.

The DPJ will condone the refueling mission for the time being and
discuss with the U.S. alternative forms of contribution to the war
in Afghanistan, such as dispatching personnel to an international

TOKYO 00001649 007 OF 015


ceasefire monitoring group.

Meanwhile, SDP leader Mizuho Fukushima has been complaining to
people around her that the extension of the refueling mission is
"absolutely unacceptable, because operations so far have not even
been assessed."

The SDP has consistently opposed the deployment of the SDF overseas.
If internal strife emerges in the administration over security and
foreign policy after the birth of the coalition government, the new
government may have a hard time building foreign confidence in its
diplomacy.

(26) DPJ opposed anti-piracy law but surreptitiously hinted at
enactment to Seamen's Union

MAINICHI (Page 1) (Full)
July 18, 2009

In connection with the anti-piracy law involving the dispatch of the
Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) to waters off Somalia in East
Africa, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ),which had been negative
about the dispatch of the SDF overseas, had actually presented
proposals to the ruling parties on April 21 to revise the bill to
allow SDF deployment on certain conditions. However, the two sides
failed to agree on the details of the proposal, so the negotiations
broke down in the end. The government-proposed bill was passed by
the House of Representatives on June 19 with a two-thirds majority
vote by the ruling parties, while the DPJ voted against the bill.

One of the main points of the DPJ's proposed revisions was to
dispatch SDF officers as officials of the "anti-piracy headquarters
under the prime minister (to be created)."

The reason behind this incomprehensible proposed revision of the
bill that was negative on SDF deployment while de facto accepting
(the dispatch in principle) was a demand from the All Japan Seamen's
Union (JSU). The union, which has a membership of 25,000, is a
member of Rengo (Japanese Trade Union Confederation),a main support
organization of the DPJ.

Yoji Fujisawa, chairman of JSU, a union consisting of crew members
of commercial vessels, was told by a DPJ official in mid-April,
"Senior party officials say that the SDF's carrying out anti-piracy
measures falls within the bounds of the Constitution."

The Union had been lobbying both the ruling and opposition parties
to allow the SDF's deployment, arguing that the protection of the
life of seamen was the top priority in anti-piracy measures.
Fujisawa had declared confidently: "We are a powerful industrial
trade union with great influence."

It seems then that the DPJ, while opposing the government's bill,
presented ambiguous proposals for revision in response to the demand
of a main support group. Where is the DPJ's heading in its
diplomatic and security policies?

(27) DPJ shifts to pragmatic policies, thinking hard about revenue
sources, departure from Ozawa line in progress

ASAHI (Page 3) (Full)
July 19, 2009

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Kyohei Matsuda, Naoto Inagaki

The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) is going into the next general
election with the goal of a change in political administration.
While the policies of previous President Ichiro Ozawa have been the
most prominent in all four manifestoes (campaign pledges) issued by
the party since 2003, with a reversal of forces between the ruling
and opposition parties becoming a real possibility, the party is
being forced to modify its previous pledges in order to make them
implementable.

Critical discussions on making all expressways toll free, which is
the DPJ's top campaign pledge, took place at a meeting of the
party's "Next Cabinet" on July 15.

Toll free expressways have featured in the DPJ's manifestoes since
2003, but there are concerns about the resulting deterioration of
the environment. A plan to make only certain sections toll free
right after taking over power and implement the toll free program in
stages later was also discussed.

However, quite a few participants claimed that the words "in stages"
were unnecessary. There was a strong feeling against compromising,
partly because the Aso administration has reduced the toll for
regional expressways to 1,000 yen across the board on holidays. In
the end, a decision was made to include a pledge to make expressways
"basically toll free," except for the Shuto and Hanshin
Expressways.

The emphasis on policies directly affecting the people's daily life
without going through intermediate organizations quickly became a
strong tendency during the three years of Ozawa's presidency until
last May. It can be said that his method of giving top priority to
"winning the election" remains the main trend in the DPJ's
policies.

A typical example is the system of income compensation for farming
households advocated by Ozawa.

The DPJ has long advocated the "direct payment" method to counter
the ruling parties' administration of subsidiaries through the
agricultural cooperatives. After Ozawa became president, he strongly
criticized the plan of the government and the Liberal Democratic
Party (LDP) to enlarge farms for "abandoning small farmers."

Adding the notion of income compensation to the direct payment
method and throwing in ideas for raising the self-sufficiency rate
and revival of rural hometowns, the DPJ came up with the system of
income compensation for farming households. With this, it won many
rural votes in the 2007 House of Councillors election, thus
contributing to its eventual victory.

In last year's Diet session, the DPJ won the victory of "reducing"
gasoline prices for one month. When drafting the new manifesto, at
first the abolition of the temporary tax rates for gasoline and
other taxes was to be set for "within two years" in order to ensure
revenue sources.

However, the final version of the manifesto says "immediate
abolition."


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President Yukio Hatoyama explains: "The immediate abolition of
temporary tax rates has become a fait accompli after taking over the
administration. We should not delay this."

Meanwhile, the "departure" from Ozawa's policies is also proceeding
steadily.

Ozawa used to say: "After taking over power, there will be unlimited
sources of revenue," but after Hatoyama took over, he began to shift
to a pragmatic line with Secretary General Katsuya Okada, who says
"there can be no policy without revenue sources," at the head of his
team.

Okada has proposed to put off the abolition of temporary tax rates,
saying: "We should think about it after finding a permanent revenue
source." At the working level preparatory committee for drafting the
manifesto, he has also suggested "classifying pledges into those
that will be implemented immediately after taking over the
government and those to be implemented after identifying revenue
sources."

At Okada's initiative, the DPJ is arming itself theoretically on the
question of securing revenue sources, on which it is being
criticized by the government and the ruling parties. One of the
documents it is using is the paper prepared by the Ministry of
Finance (MOF).

Based on this paper, the DPJ concluded that some 67 trillion yen in
budget allocations are "wasteful spending" to be cut back. It argues
that it is possible to find revenues to the tune of 9.1 trillion yen
in four years through a review of public work projects, reduction of
subsidies and personnel expenses, and so forth.

However, items that are difficult to cut back, such as local tax
grants, are also included in the DPJ's reductions. In a speech on
July 5, Minister of Finance Kaoru Yosano issued a strong warning to
the DPJ:

"We examined all the DPJ's policies from the MOF's standpoint. Most
of them are fantasies and deceptions. A party that advocates wrong
ideas should not be trusted."

In reality, the Aso administration has used the special accounts and
the so-called "buried treasures" repeatedly for its supplementary
budgets, thus depleting revenues that the DPJ can use. Policy-based
revenues which Ozawa reckoned to be 8.4 trillion yen when he was
president, will be only 7 trillion yen for the entire FY2010.

Even if the DPJ is able to sustain toll free expressways or abolish
the temporary tax rates, the deflation of its other key policies
will be inevitable.

The party's 2007 manifesto pledged a "child allowance" of 26,000 yen
per month per child until the child graduates from middle school.
This time, the amount will be only 13,000 yen, or 50 percent, in the
first year. In its policy implementation road map last fall, it
pledged the unification of pension systems "by the fourth year," but
now, the period is going to be "six years" because it wants to spend
more time in designing the new system.

The review of policies not requiring funding is also taking place.
Its proposal to realign municipalities into 300 administrative units

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and proposal for decentralization of power under a two-tier
administration by the national and local governments were opposed by
the governors, so it is now accepting the doshu (state) system. In
order to avoid forcible merger, the DPJ has also discarded numerical
targets, which Ozawa was keen on. This was explained by Koichiro
Genba, head of the party's research committee on decentralization
who is close to Okada, at a discussion meeting on July 9.

He said: "President Ozawa insisted on this, but President Hatoyama
did not. Therefore, we have reverted to the original DPJ proposal."

(28) U.S. assistant secretary of state mulls new document on 50th
anniversary of Japan-U.S. security treaty

YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full)
July 18, 2009

U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Kurt Campbell, who is visiting Japan, held a news conference at the
U.S. Embassy in Tokyo on July 17. He indicated a plan in 2010 on the
occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Japan-U.S. security treaty
to draft a joint document intended to deepen the alliance
relationship.

Campbell said that bilateral discussions on drafting a new document
after the 1996 "Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration on Security" "will have
to wait until after the next House of Representatives election." He
indicated that the new document would include the following: (1)
confirmation of the alliance's achievements for the peace and
stability of other countries; (2) an examination of the present
status and issues of the alliance; and (3) setting new tasks for the
alliance, such as climate change.

Campbell also revealed that the two governments had agreed to hold
regular consultations on the "nuclear umbrella" provided by the U.S.
to Japan and that this will be included in the official agenda of
the Security Sub-Committee meeting of senior officials of both
countries to be held in Tokyo on July 18 for the first time. He
expressed a negative view toward Japan acquiring a nuclear
capability, saying: "This will not be in Japan's national interest
or contribute to the maintenance of peace and stability in Asia and
the Pacific."

(29) Security policy based on lies

SANKEI (Page 1) (Abridged slightly)
July 19, 2009

Yoshihisa Komori, editor-at-large in Washington

"There is a verbal agreement between the governments of Japan and
the United States allowing U.S. warships carrying nuclear weapons to
pass through Japan's territorial waters and to call at Japanese
ports."

I still remember hearing these shocking words for the first time
from former U.S. Ambassador to Japan Edwin Reischauer at his home in
a Boston suburb on one sunny day in May.

The memory of this event was evoked by the recent statements by
former Vice-Foreign Minister Ryohei Murata and Democratic Party of
Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama on the three non-nuclear

TOKYO 00001649 011 OF 015


principles. Both Murata and Hatoyama made their remarks regarding
the "introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan" in line with the
Reischauer statement of 1981.

The first half of the interview with Reischauer took place at his
living room and the latter half in his backyard.

Back then, I was doing research on Japan-U.S. security issues as a
senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace on
leave from the Mainichi Shimbun. The interview with Reischauer was
primarily part of my research project. I had planned to ask
questions without fail about nuclear introduction based on a plan by
my superiors and colleagues at the Mainichi Shimbun. Reischauer's
reply was surprisingly candid.

"The word 'mochikomi (bringing in)' used on the Japanese side and
the word 'introduction' used on the U.S. side means two different
things."

Insisting that the two words meant the same thing, the Japanese
government declared that passage through Japanese territorial waters
and port calls by nuclear-armed U.S. warships would be a violation
of the principle of not allowing bringing nuclear weapons into Japan
of the three non-nuclear principles.

The U.S. side, on the other hand, insisted that passage through and
port calls would not be a violation of the three non-nuclear
principles because they would not constitute the introduction of
nuclear weapons and therefore they should be exempt from prior
consultations between Japan and the United States.

"In English, 'introduction' strictly means the deployment and
stockpiling of nuclear weapons on the ground. The Japanese
government should explain the difference of the word 'mochikomi' to
the general public."

Reischauer even told me that the Japanese government's declaring
that nuclear-armed U.S. warships did not pass through Japanese
territorial waters or enter Japanese ports, while knowing the
difference in the meanings of the words, was tantamount to telling a
lie.

The Mainichi Shimbun ran a scoop on this statement under the titles
of "Nuclear-armed U.S. warships made port calls in Japan," "Japanese
government aware of them," and "Former Ambassador Reischauer
reveals." This naturally caused a sensation. The Japanese government
was grilled at home and abroad over the fictitious nature of the
three non-nuclear principles, but despite Reischauer's statement, it
never acknowledged it had lied.

It has been 28 years since then, and former Vice-Foreign Minister
Murata has called a lie a lie as an official in the government back
then. Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama, too, is
likely to press the government to admit the existence of the secret
nuclear pact between Japan and the United States, as was pointed out
by Reischauer.

I want to welcome the statements by Murata and Hatoyama. I strongly
believe the Japanese government should go back and acknowledge the
difference in interpretations of "introduction" with the United
States. Otherwise, Japan will have to face the foundation of its
security policy and challenges that are based on a bunch of lies.

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Security and defense policies based on lies are unacceptable.

I still cannot forget the sinking feeling similar to despair I had
after reporting on the Reischauer statement and confirming the
Japanese government's reaction to it. That was because I was made to
feel that my studies on Japanese security policy and its objective
rested on a pack of lies.

(30) Secret agreement related to reversion of Okinawa: New
historical documents found in South Korea

ASAHI (Page 1) (Full)
July 19, 2009

It has been learned that the U.S. had revealed in 1973 to South
Korea the contents of a secret agreement between Japan and the U.S.
on Japan about sharing 16 million dollars of the cost of relocating
the facilities of Voice of America, the U.S. shortwave broadcast
agency, at the time of the reversion of Okinawa in 1972. Researcher
Somei Kobayashi, an expert on media history at Osaka City
University, found the documents, which the South Korean Foreign
Ministry (now Foreign and Trade Ministry) drafted at the time.

The discovery of the South Korean historical sources have apparently
endorsed the existence of a secret agreement on the sharing of the
costs involved in the reversion of Okinawa, which the Japanese
government has been consistently denying. The data found by
Kobayashi are documents recording the meeting between then South
Korean foreign ministry first north American affairs section
director general Chang and then U.S. public affairs section officer
Smith on May 31, 1973. The papers have been stored at South Korea's
Diplomatic History Museum.

At the time, the U.S. had been considering transferring VOA to South
Korea. According to the document, asked by the South Korean side,
Smith replied, "The total size of the relocation has yet to be
fixed. We estimate it at approximately 32 million dollars at the
first stage of the plan, of which adjustments are being made with
the possibility of Japan sharing half the cost."

Papers concerning the transfer of VOA collected by South Korea's
foreign ministry at the time were also found this time. According to
the U.S. Senate's minutes for May 30 1973, referring to the cost of
the relocation, Senator Harry Byrd stated: "We (the U.S.) will
prepare 23 million dollars. Japan will prepare 16 million dollars."
Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Fulbright confirmed,
"That is correct."

The plan to relocate VOA to South Korea was rebuffed in the end. It
was transferred to the Philippines.

(31) ISS Japan's experiment module to be completed today, but
post-Kibo strategy nowhere in sight

YOMIURI (Page 3) (Excerpts)
July 19, 2009

(Tatsuo Nakajima in Huston, Makoto Mitsui in the science department)


The Japanese experiment module, called Kibo, for the International
Space Station (ISS) is to be finally completed today after the

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concept came off the drawing board a quarter of a century ago. Kibo
is the first manned space facility Japan has developed by investing
600 billion yen. With the completion of its space base, Japan has
reached its goal for manned space activities, but its future vision
is nowhere in sight.

Noguchi next

The last component of Kibo - a facility that supports operations on
the outside of the module - was transported to the ISS by the U.S.
space shuttle Endeavor on July 18, Japan time. Astronaut Koichi
Wakata and others will catch the component with robotic arms and
install it in the ISS.

Japan's space development was initiated with the development of the
nation's first rocket Pencil Rocket in 1955 by Dr. Hideo Itokawa,
professor at the University of Tokyo. Japan succeeded in launching
the satellite Osumi in 1970 and became the fourth country that
succeeded in lifting a satellite, following the former Soviet Union,
the U.S., and France. Japan has enhanced the credibility of its
domestically produced rockets in the international community.

Manned space development, however, affects people's lives and
requires exorbitant expenditures. In this area, too, it has finally
become possible for Japan to internationally demonstrate its
presence.

The onboard lab was started up in June of last year, and Tsukuba
Space Center has continued monitoring the situation in Kibo on a
24-hour system. Assuming responsibility with the U.S., Russia, and
European countries for ensuring the safety of the ISS at last, Japan
has won more international trust now. Kibo has brought about this
excellent result to Japan as a nation whose economy is based on
science and technology.

Following Wakata, Soichi Noguchi will be staying at the ISS for six
months starting in December of this year. Japan plans to send its
astronaut to the ISS almost every year. Space will surely become
close to Japanese people.

Still far to go

It took too many years for the module to be completed. The ISS
concept was brought up in the U.S. in 1982. In 1985, Japan formally
announced its participation in the project, with a dire to obtain
manned rocket technology without lagging behind other countries.

The ISS was scheduled to be completed in 1994, but the project was
significantly delayed due to changes in circumstances surrounding
the project, such as Washington's financial difficulties and
Russia's participation after the project was launched. Many parts in
the project were also altered.

A pall is falling over future laboratory work, because the U.S.
space shuttle will be decommissioned next year. Only a Russian space
vehicle will be available for the transportation of materials from
the ISS to the earth, so only small-sized materials will be brought
to the earth. China succeeded in a manned flight in 2003. India is
also aiming at a manned flight in the middle of the 2010s.

Now that Kibo is completed in accordance with the U.S. plan and that
Japan obtained the technology needed for manned space activities, it

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is necessary for Japan to consider post-Kibo operations. But Japan
has yet to determine its basic space strategy. Regarding whether
Japan would launch its own activities, such as domestic production
of a space vehicle, the government just noted in its basic space
plan released in June: "The government will look into details, such
as a goal and funds, over the next year."


The total development cost needed for own manned activities in space
is estimated to be several trillion yen, about 10 times more than
Japan's annual space budget. It is not easy to make a decision. But
Honorable Professor Yasunori Matogawa at the Japan Aerospace
Exploration Agency commented: "Unless Japan stops depending on the
U.S. and puts forth its own strategic goal, Japan will not be able
to catch up with other countries."

(32) Ghana, a country that is important for Japan

FORESIGHT (Page 27) (Abridged)
August 2009

Tokyo University Professor Shinichi Kitaoka

Ghana is one of the African countries familiar to Japan. In the
past, Hideyo Noguchi went there to research yellow fever and died in
that country. Ghana was the first country in Black Africa to become
independent in 1957. Its leader Kwame Nkrumah was also well known in
Japan.

However, there are always two sides to a story. Noguchi's research
ended in failure, and many people question his character. Some
people say that he went to Africa out of his desire for fame.
However, after I visited Noguchi's old laboratory and saw his
pictures when he was in the capital city of Accra, I was truly
impressed. His courage alone in going to Africa in the 1920s,
regardless of his motive, deserves compliment.

There are also many criticisms against Nkrumah. Soon after he became
president, he quickly leaned toward radical socialism. As a result,
the economy disintegrated, corruption was rampant, and he was
eventually toppled by a coup d'etat. However, such negative image
has faded today, and he is mostly remembered as the founding father
of the nation.

Political stability in Ghana in recent years is noteworthy. Since
1992, several elections have been held peacefully under a
multi-party system, and change of administration has taken place.
The presidential election in 2008 was decided by a small margin in a
runoff vote but this did not give rise to any upheaval, which is
unusual in Africa.

In terms of industry, steady efforts are being made in agricultural
reform. Japan has given its assistance in the form of technology and
funding. In many ways, Ghana is a force for stability in Western
Africa, and it is an important country for Japan.

During my visit, I went to Cape Coast, which used to be the center
of the slave trade. An immaculately white castle stands against the
dazzling sky and sea on the site where it was first built in 1637.
My English guidebook says it is painted in whitewash and the word
"whitewash" also means covering up what is deemed undesirable.


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In the past, slaves assembled from the inland were kept in the
dungeons of this castle for weeks and months until the next slave
ship arrived. They were valuable merchandise, so they were treated
relatively well. However, there was no consideration for human
dignity. A gutter ran in a gentle slope in the middle of the
dungeon, which did not have any windows, so that the slaves were
supplied with water and their excretions were disposed of
effortlessly. It was a horrible place. While the slave trade had
existed in the world since the ancient times, it probably was never
administered on a scale like this anywhere else.

I found a book on the slave system in Ghana in a bookstore. I was
impressed by the young Ghanian researchers' level-headed analysis of
the slave system in the country, which did not stop at merely
criticizing the white people for the slave trade.

At the University of Ghana, I was welcomed by students who once
studied in Japan. I am sure they must have had some bad experience
in Japan but they all talked only about good memories. Experience in
a foreign country during one's youth is most valuable indeed. We
certainly would like people who came to Japan and stayed for a few
years to become Japan's friends.

I delivered a speech on Japan at the University of Ghana. Former
President John Kufuor was present. I had originally planned to speak
on Japanese diplomacy, but looking at the members of the audience, I
changed my mind and talked about the origin and nature of Japanese
civilization.

ZUMWALT