DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/21/09-2

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 15 TOKYO 001649 SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/21/09-2 INDEX: (20) Japan-U.S. administrative-level meeting agrees to hold regular talks on nuclear umbrella with eye on North Korea situation (Nikkei) (21) Foreign Minister Nakasone criticizes DPJ leader Hatoyama's assertion to relocate Futenma base out of Okinawa (Nikkei) (22) Poll: 76 PERCENT weigh hopes over actual results in voting; 59 PERCENT to vote for another party next time if dissatisfied (Asahi) (23) Poll: Aso cabinet, political parties (Asahi) 3 (24) DPJ's three principles for eliminating bureaucratic influence (Tokyo Shimbun) (25) DPJ shifts to pragmatic policy line, not insisting on withdrawing MSDF from Indian Ocean immediately (Sankei) (26) DPJ opposed anti-piracy law but surreptitiously hinted at enactment to Seamen's Union (Mainichi) (27) DPJ shifts to pragmatic policies, thinking hard about revenue sources, departure from Ozawa line in progress (Asahi) (28) U.S. assistant secretary of state mulls new document on 50th anniversary of Japan-U.S. security treaty (Yomiuri) (29) Security policy based on lies (Sankei) (30) Secret agreement related to reversion of Okinawa: New historical documents found in South Korea (Asahi) (31) ISS Japan's experiment module to be completed today, but post-Kibo strategy nowhere in sight (Yomiuri) (32) Ghana, a country that is important for Japan (Foresight) ARTICLES: (20) Japan-U.S. administrative-level meeting agrees to hold regular talks on nuclear umbrella with eye on North Korea situation NIKKEI (Page 1) (Full) Evening, July 18, 2009 The Japanese and U.S. government held a meeting of their director general-level foreign and defense officials of the Security Subcommittee (SSC) at the Foreign Ministry on the morning of July ¶18. The two sides reached an agreement to establish a working group to discuss matters regularly to strengthen the nuclear deterrence, including the U.S. nuclear umbrella over Japan. They also confirmed a policy course to urge North Korea to return to the Six-Party Talks, stressing that they cannot condone the DPRK's nuclear and missile development programs. The SSC was attended from the Japan side by Foreign Ministry North American Affairs Bureau Director-General Kazuyoshi Umemoto and Defense Ministry Defense Policy Bureau Director-General Nobushige Takamizawa and by Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell and Assistant Secretary of Defense Wallace Gregson from the U.S. side. It was the first time for high-level foreign and defense officials TOKYO 00001649 002 OF 015 of the two country to meet since the Obama administration was launched. After the talks, Umemoto said, "The four officials will meet at every opportunity to work out various concrete efforts." Takamizawa indicated that the two countries will closely discuss matters, saying, "Talks will be institutionalized." Establishment of the working group to discuss the deterrence is aimed at countering North Korea's nuclear development and China's rapid military buildup. After the meeting, Campbell said, "The working group will become a venue to confirm that the deterrence is solid." With the year 2010 marking the 50th anniversary of the revised U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, the two countries also agreed to reexamine the modalities of the Japan-U.S. alliance to make certain that it can meet changes in the regional security situation. In the talks, the two countries confirmed a policy direction to proceed with the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan steadily based on an agreement reached between Tokyo and Washington. On the North Korea situation, they agreed for Japan, the United States, and South Korea to work closely for the resumption of the Six-Party Talks and to expedite efforts by holding five-party talks excluding the DPRK. (21) Foreign Minister Nakasone criticizes DPJ leader Hatoyama's assertion to relocate Futenma base out of Okinawa NIKKEI ONLINE 13:44, July 21, 2009 Foreign Minister Hirofumi Nakasone, at a press conference after the cabinet meeting on July 21, criticized Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama's assertion that the U.S. Marine Corps' Air Station Futenma should be relocated outside Okinawa Prefecture. Nakasone said: "He has said the base should be moved out of Okinawa, but he does not say to where. That is playing foul. He probably is making such a remark for the sake of the election. Does he want to relocate the base to Hokkaido or someplace? Unless he spells out exactly what he means, it is incomprehensible." (22) Poll: 76 PERCENT weigh hopes over actual results in voting; 59 PERCENT to vote for another party next time if dissatisfied ASAHI (Page 1) (Abridged) July 19, 2009 The Asahi Shimbun conducted a public opinion survey through mail to probe public attitudes concerning what to factor in when choosing a political party to vote for in the forthcoming election for the House of Representatives. In the survey, respondents were asked to choose between "actual results in the past" and "hopes in the future." In response to this question, "hopes" overwhelmed "actual results," with 76 PERCENT saying they would attach importance to "hopes" and 20 PERCENT saying they would consider "actual results" first. In the survey, respondents were also asked what to do if a political party they voted for comes into office and they find it falling short of expectations in its actual results. To this question, 59 PERCENT answered that they would vote for another political party in the next election, with 24 PERCENT saying they TOKYO 00001649 003 OF 015 would vote for the same party. In the survey, respondents were asked about their voting behavior in past national elections. To this question, 79 PERCENT answered that they used to vote for "almost the same political party." When it comes to what to do in future national elections, however, the proportion of those thinking of voting for "almost the same political party" was down to 55 PERCENT . Those thinking of voting for a different party in each national election accounted for 37 PERCENT . Even among those who used to vote for almost the same party, about 30 PERCENT are expecting to vote for a different party. This indicates that the voting population will likely become fluid to easily change the party to vote for, depending on their expectations for political parties and their ratings for the actual results of political parties. In the survey, respondents were also asked what they thought would be the most important factor for them to choose a political party to vote for. Among five factors given, "expectations in the future" accounted for 47 PERCENT , topping all other answers. Among other answers, "campaign pledges" accounted for 19 PERCENT , "candidates" at 16 PERCENT , "political parties' actual results in the past" at 12 PERCENT , and "party heads" at 3 PERCENT . The figures show that people will put together such factors as political parties' campaign pledges and their heads rather than to factor in these specific elements. Respondents were further asked if they would think about a change of government when choosing a political party to vote for. To this question, "very much" accounted for 34 PERCENT . Among those who gave this answer, 66 PERCENT picked the leading opposition Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto) for proportional representation, with 21 PERCENT choosing the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. When asked to what extent the LDP and the DPJ are competent to run the government, a total of 44 PERCENT answered that the LDP is "very" or "somewhat" competent. For the DPJ, "very" and "somewhat" totaled 59 PERCENT . The survey was conducted from mid-June through mid-July, with a total of 3,000 persons chosen across the nation. The retrieval rate was 74 PERCENT . (23) Poll: Aso cabinet, political parties ASAHI (Page 2) (Full) July 20, 2009 Questions & Answers (Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Figures in parentheses denote the results of the last survey conducted July 4-5.) Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet? Yes 17 (20) No 69 (68) Q: Which political party do you support now? Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 20 (24) Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 31 (25) TOKYO 00001649 004 OF 015 New Komeito (NK) 3 (3) Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 (2) Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (1) People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0) Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0 (0) New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0) Other political parties 0 (0) None 35 (39) No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 8 (6) Q: There will be a general election before long for the House of Representatives. To what extent are you interested in the forthcoming general election? (One choice only) Very interested 43 (38) Somewhat interested 38 (36) Not very interested 13 (20) Not interested at all 5 (6) Q: If you were to vote now in a general election for the House of Representatives, which political party would you vote for in your proportional representation bloc? LDP 19 (22) DPJ 42 (37) NK 4 (4) JCP 4 (4) SDP 1 (1) PNP 1 (0) RC 0 (0) NPN 0 (0) Other political parties 1 (1) N/A+D/K 28 (31) Q: Which political party's candidate would you like to vote for in your single-seat constituency? LDP 20 (22) DPJ 37 (32) NK 3 (2) JCP 2 (2) SDP 1 (1) PNP 0 (0) RC 0 (0) NPN 0 (0) Other political parties 0 (0) Independent candidate 0 (2) N/A+D/K 37 (39) Q: Would you like the current LDP-led coalition government to continue, or would you otherwise like it to be replaced with a DPJ-led coalition government? LDP-led coalition 22 (24) DPJ-led coalition 49 (47) Q: Who do you think is more appropriate for prime minister, Prime Minister Aso or DPJ President Hatoyama? Mr. Aso 21 (22) Mr. Hatoyama 42 (42) TOKYO 00001649 005 OF 015 Q: Prime Minister Aso has now clarified his intention to dissolve the House of Representatives. Against this, some lawmakers critical of Mr. Aso in the LDP called for a party presidential election. What's your impression of the LDP? Improved 3 Worsened 50 Unchanged 43 Q: When choosing a political party or a candidate to vote for in the forthcoming election for the House of Representatives, are you going to factor in the recently exposed political fund scandal of DPJ President Hatoyama's fund-raising body? Yes 26 No 62 Polling methodology: The survey was conducted July 18-19 over the telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. Respondents were chosen from among the nation's voting population on a three-stage random-sampling basis. Households with one or more eligible voters totaled 1,824. Valid answers were obtained from 1,064 persons (58 PERCENT ). (24) DPJ's three principles for eliminating bureaucratic influence TOKYO SHIMBUN (Top play) (Full) July 19, 2009 With an eye on a change in government in the upcoming House of Representatives election, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has compiled three principles for running its administration. In order to create a politically-led policy-making system, abandoning the existing bureaucracy-led policy-making system, the DPJ will include these three principles: (1) the governing party takes responsibility for politics, (2) the cabinet alone is responsible for making policies, and (3) priority is to be given to national interests that would be formulated under the Prime Minister's Official Residence's (Kantei) leadership. The principles will be included in a manifesto (campaign pledges) for the Lower House election, which the party will announce late this month. In order to clarify the ruling party's responsibility, the DPJ intends to review first the current cabinet meeting and administrative vice ministers' meeting systems. At present, all policies are decided at meetings of the administrative vice ministers, and then the prime minister and cabinet members confirm them at their meetings. Therefore, the DPJ plans to make cabinet meetings a venue for policy-making. With regard to the name of the party that runs an administration, the DPJ would call it "administrative party" (seikento),instead of the current "ruling party" (yoto). In order to give the cabinet alone the authority to make policies, the DPJ would have the government and ruling parties review the present policy-making system. The party also intends to add the post of ministerial assistants to the three present parliamentary posts of cabinet ministers, senior vice ministers, and parliamentary secretaries; and it would post more than 100 politicians in government offices so that politicians would take the initiative in policy-making. TOKYO 00001649 006 OF 015 In order to give the Kantei the initiative in formulating national strategy, the LDP stipulates in its manifesto that it would set up a national strategy bureau under the immediate control of prime minister and recruit talented personnel from the private and public sectors for that bureau to formulate medium- and long-term "national visions" for Japan's foreign and domestic policies. The party also notes that it would change the present budgetary request guidelines system to a new system under which the national strategy bureau would lay out the framework with the ministries and agencies then working out the details. (25) DPJ shifts to pragmatic policy line, not insisting on withdrawing MSDF from Indian Ocean immediately SANKEI (Page 5) (Full) July 18, 2009 Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama indicated on July 17 that if a change of administration is achieved after the forthcoming House of Representatives election, the refueling mission of the Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) in the Indian Ocean will continue for the time being. The DPJ had advocated terminating the refueling operations, but has shifted to a "pragmatic line," giving importance to its relations with the U.S. government, which seeks the continuation of the MSDF mission. However, the Social Democratic Party (SDP),with which the DPJ is planning to form a coalition government, insists on immediate withdrawal of the MSDF. This issue is likely to affect future negotiations on forming the coalition. At a news conference in Tokyo, Hatoyama explained the reason for allowing the MSDF mission to continue for the time being, emphasizing: "Continuity is necessary in foreign policy. It is imprudent to terminate the mission right away. We will take time to consult with the concerned countries after assuming power and then decide on our policy course." Secretary General Katsuya Okada also indicated at a news conference on the same day that this issue will be dealt with flexibly from the standpoint of giving importance to the Japan-U.S. alliance and consideration for relations with the U.S. The refueling mission is based on the amended new special antiterrorism measures law enacted in December 2008, which expires on January 15, 2010. When Ichiro Ozawa was president, the DPJ criticized this law as "unconstitutional" and opposed the legal amendment to extend the MSDF mission. This had resulted in the temporary suspension of the refueling operations for about four months from November 2007. Due to the above, there is an opinion in the DPJ, as articulated by Keiichiro Asao, minister of defense in the DPJ's "Next Cabinet", "It does not make sense to continue an operation the previous president called 'unconstitutional'." The immediate withdrawal of the MSDF had been the party's established policy. Okada has also said, "Basically, the DPJ's (opposition to the refueling mission) remains unchanged," indicating a cautious stance on continuing the mission after the law expires. The DPJ will condone the refueling mission for the time being and discuss with the U.S. alternative forms of contribution to the war in Afghanistan, such as dispatching personnel to an international TOKYO 00001649 007 OF 015 ceasefire monitoring group. Meanwhile, SDP leader Mizuho Fukushima has been complaining to people around her that the extension of the refueling mission is "absolutely unacceptable, because operations so far have not even been assessed." The SDP has consistently opposed the deployment of the SDF overseas. If internal strife emerges in the administration over security and foreign policy after the birth of the coalition government, the new government may have a hard time building foreign confidence in its diplomacy. (26) DPJ opposed anti-piracy law but surreptitiously hinted at enactment to Seamen's Union MAINICHI (Page 1) (Full) July 18, 2009 In connection with the anti-piracy law involving the dispatch of the Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) to waters off Somalia in East Africa, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ),which had been negative about the dispatch of the SDF overseas, had actually presented proposals to the ruling parties on April 21 to revise the bill to allow SDF deployment on certain conditions. However, the two sides failed to agree on the details of the proposal, so the negotiations broke down in the end. The government-proposed bill was passed by the House of Representatives on June 19 with a two-thirds majority vote by the ruling parties, while the DPJ voted against the bill. One of the main points of the DPJ's proposed revisions was to dispatch SDF officers as officials of the "anti-piracy headquarters under the prime minister (to be created)." The reason behind this incomprehensible proposed revision of the bill that was negative on SDF deployment while de facto accepting (the dispatch in principle) was a demand from the All Japan Seamen's Union (JSU). The union, which has a membership of 25,000, is a member of Rengo (Japanese Trade Union Confederation),a main support organization of the DPJ. Yoji Fujisawa, chairman of JSU, a union consisting of crew members of commercial vessels, was told by a DPJ official in mid-April, "Senior party officials say that the SDF's carrying out anti-piracy measures falls within the bounds of the Constitution." The Union had been lobbying both the ruling and opposition parties to allow the SDF's deployment, arguing that the protection of the life of seamen was the top priority in anti-piracy measures. Fujisawa had declared confidently: "We are a powerful industrial trade union with great influence." It seems then that the DPJ, while opposing the government's bill, presented ambiguous proposals for revision in response to the demand of a main support group. Where is the DPJ's heading in its diplomatic and security policies? (27) DPJ shifts to pragmatic policies, thinking hard about revenue sources, departure from Ozawa line in progress ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) July 19, 2009 TOKYO 00001649 008 OF 015 Kyohei Matsuda, Naoto Inagaki The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) is going into the next general election with the goal of a change in political administration. While the policies of previous President Ichiro Ozawa have been the most prominent in all four manifestoes (campaign pledges) issued by the party since 2003, with a reversal of forces between the ruling and opposition parties becoming a real possibility, the party is being forced to modify its previous pledges in order to make them implementable. Critical discussions on making all expressways toll free, which is the DPJ's top campaign pledge, took place at a meeting of the party's "Next Cabinet" on July 15. Toll free expressways have featured in the DPJ's manifestoes since 2003, but there are concerns about the resulting deterioration of the environment. A plan to make only certain sections toll free right after taking over power and implement the toll free program in stages later was also discussed. However, quite a few participants claimed that the words "in stages" were unnecessary. There was a strong feeling against compromising, partly because the Aso administration has reduced the toll for regional expressways to 1,000 yen across the board on holidays. In the end, a decision was made to include a pledge to make expressways "basically toll free," except for the Shuto and Hanshin Expressways. The emphasis on policies directly affecting the people's daily life without going through intermediate organizations quickly became a strong tendency during the three years of Ozawa's presidency until last May. It can be said that his method of giving top priority to "winning the election" remains the main trend in the DPJ's policies. A typical example is the system of income compensation for farming households advocated by Ozawa. The DPJ has long advocated the "direct payment" method to counter the ruling parties' administration of subsidiaries through the agricultural cooperatives. After Ozawa became president, he strongly criticized the plan of the government and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to enlarge farms for "abandoning small farmers." Adding the notion of income compensation to the direct payment method and throwing in ideas for raising the self-sufficiency rate and revival of rural hometowns, the DPJ came up with the system of income compensation for farming households. With this, it won many rural votes in the 2007 House of Councillors election, thus contributing to its eventual victory. In last year's Diet session, the DPJ won the victory of "reducing" gasoline prices for one month. When drafting the new manifesto, at first the abolition of the temporary tax rates for gasoline and other taxes was to be set for "within two years" in order to ensure revenue sources. However, the final version of the manifesto says "immediate abolition." TOKYO 00001649 009 OF 015 President Yukio Hatoyama explains: "The immediate abolition of temporary tax rates has become a fait accompli after taking over the administration. We should not delay this." Meanwhile, the "departure" from Ozawa's policies is also proceeding steadily. Ozawa used to say: "After taking over power, there will be unlimited sources of revenue," but after Hatoyama took over, he began to shift to a pragmatic line with Secretary General Katsuya Okada, who says "there can be no policy without revenue sources," at the head of his team. Okada has proposed to put off the abolition of temporary tax rates, saying: "We should think about it after finding a permanent revenue source." At the working level preparatory committee for drafting the manifesto, he has also suggested "classifying pledges into those that will be implemented immediately after taking over the government and those to be implemented after identifying revenue sources." At Okada's initiative, the DPJ is arming itself theoretically on the question of securing revenue sources, on which it is being criticized by the government and the ruling parties. One of the documents it is using is the paper prepared by the Ministry of Finance (MOF). Based on this paper, the DPJ concluded that some 67 trillion yen in budget allocations are "wasteful spending" to be cut back. It argues that it is possible to find revenues to the tune of 9.1 trillion yen in four years through a review of public work projects, reduction of subsidies and personnel expenses, and so forth. However, items that are difficult to cut back, such as local tax grants, are also included in the DPJ's reductions. In a speech on July 5, Minister of Finance Kaoru Yosano issued a strong warning to the DPJ: "We examined all the DPJ's policies from the MOF's standpoint. Most of them are fantasies and deceptions. A party that advocates wrong ideas should not be trusted." In reality, the Aso administration has used the special accounts and the so-called "buried treasures" repeatedly for its supplementary budgets, thus depleting revenues that the DPJ can use. Policy-based revenues which Ozawa reckoned to be 8.4 trillion yen when he was president, will be only 7 trillion yen for the entire FY2010. Even if the DPJ is able to sustain toll free expressways or abolish the temporary tax rates, the deflation of its other key policies will be inevitable. The party's 2007 manifesto pledged a "child allowance" of 26,000 yen per month per child until the child graduates from middle school. This time, the amount will be only 13,000 yen, or 50 percent, in the first year. In its policy implementation road map last fall, it pledged the unification of pension systems "by the fourth year," but now, the period is going to be "six years" because it wants to spend more time in designing the new system. The review of policies not requiring funding is also taking place. Its proposal to realign municipalities into 300 administrative units TOKYO 00001649 010 OF 015 and proposal for decentralization of power under a two-tier administration by the national and local governments were opposed by the governors, so it is now accepting the doshu (state) system. In order to avoid forcible merger, the DPJ has also discarded numerical targets, which Ozawa was keen on. This was explained by Koichiro Genba, head of the party's research committee on decentralization who is close to Okada, at a discussion meeting on July 9. He said: "President Ozawa insisted on this, but President Hatoyama did not. Therefore, we have reverted to the original DPJ proposal." (28) U.S. assistant secretary of state mulls new document on 50th anniversary of Japan-U.S. security treaty YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full) July 18, 2009 U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell, who is visiting Japan, held a news conference at the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo on July 17. He indicated a plan in 2010 on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Japan-U.S. security treaty to draft a joint document intended to deepen the alliance relationship. Campbell said that bilateral discussions on drafting a new document after the 1996 "Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration on Security" "will have to wait until after the next House of Representatives election." He indicated that the new document would include the following: (1) confirmation of the alliance's achievements for the peace and stability of other countries; (2) an examination of the present status and issues of the alliance; and (3) setting new tasks for the alliance, such as climate change. Campbell also revealed that the two governments had agreed to hold regular consultations on the "nuclear umbrella" provided by the U.S. to Japan and that this will be included in the official agenda of the Security Sub-Committee meeting of senior officials of both countries to be held in Tokyo on July 18 for the first time. He expressed a negative view toward Japan acquiring a nuclear capability, saying: "This will not be in Japan's national interest or contribute to the maintenance of peace and stability in Asia and the Pacific." (29) Security policy based on lies SANKEI (Page 1) (Abridged slightly) July 19, 2009 Yoshihisa Komori, editor-at-large in Washington "There is a verbal agreement between the governments of Japan and the United States allowing U.S. warships carrying nuclear weapons to pass through Japan's territorial waters and to call at Japanese ports." I still remember hearing these shocking words for the first time from former U.S. Ambassador to Japan Edwin Reischauer at his home in a Boston suburb on one sunny day in May. The memory of this event was evoked by the recent statements by former Vice-Foreign Minister Ryohei Murata and Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama on the three non-nuclear TOKYO 00001649 011 OF 015 principles. Both Murata and Hatoyama made their remarks regarding the "introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan" in line with the Reischauer statement of 1981. The first half of the interview with Reischauer took place at his living room and the latter half in his backyard. Back then, I was doing research on Japan-U.S. security issues as a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace on leave from the Mainichi Shimbun. The interview with Reischauer was primarily part of my research project. I had planned to ask questions without fail about nuclear introduction based on a plan by my superiors and colleagues at the Mainichi Shimbun. Reischauer's reply was surprisingly candid. "The word 'mochikomi (bringing in)' used on the Japanese side and the word 'introduction' used on the U.S. side means two different things." Insisting that the two words meant the same thing, the Japanese government declared that passage through Japanese territorial waters and port calls by nuclear-armed U.S. warships would be a violation of the principle of not allowing bringing nuclear weapons into Japan of the three non-nuclear principles. The U.S. side, on the other hand, insisted that passage through and port calls would not be a violation of the three non-nuclear principles because they would not constitute the introduction of nuclear weapons and therefore they should be exempt from prior consultations between Japan and the United States. "In English, 'introduction' strictly means the deployment and stockpiling of nuclear weapons on the ground. The Japanese government should explain the difference of the word 'mochikomi' to the general public." Reischauer even told me that the Japanese government's declaring that nuclear-armed U.S. warships did not pass through Japanese territorial waters or enter Japanese ports, while knowing the difference in the meanings of the words, was tantamount to telling a lie. The Mainichi Shimbun ran a scoop on this statement under the titles of "Nuclear-armed U.S. warships made port calls in Japan," "Japanese government aware of them," and "Former Ambassador Reischauer reveals." This naturally caused a sensation. The Japanese government was grilled at home and abroad over the fictitious nature of the three non-nuclear principles, but despite Reischauer's statement, it never acknowledged it had lied. It has been 28 years since then, and former Vice-Foreign Minister Murata has called a lie a lie as an official in the government back then. Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama, too, is likely to press the government to admit the existence of the secret nuclear pact between Japan and the United States, as was pointed out by Reischauer. I want to welcome the statements by Murata and Hatoyama. I strongly believe the Japanese government should go back and acknowledge the difference in interpretations of "introduction" with the United States. Otherwise, Japan will have to face the foundation of its security policy and challenges that are based on a bunch of lies. TOKYO 00001649 012 OF 015 Security and defense policies based on lies are unacceptable. I still cannot forget the sinking feeling similar to despair I had after reporting on the Reischauer statement and confirming the Japanese government's reaction to it. That was because I was made to feel that my studies on Japanese security policy and its objective rested on a pack of lies. (30) Secret agreement related to reversion of Okinawa: New historical documents found in South Korea ASAHI (Page 1) (Full) July 19, 2009 It has been learned that the U.S. had revealed in 1973 to South Korea the contents of a secret agreement between Japan and the U.S. on Japan about sharing 16 million dollars of the cost of relocating the facilities of Voice of America, the U.S. shortwave broadcast agency, at the time of the reversion of Okinawa in 1972. Researcher Somei Kobayashi, an expert on media history at Osaka City University, found the documents, which the South Korean Foreign Ministry (now Foreign and Trade Ministry) drafted at the time. The discovery of the South Korean historical sources have apparently endorsed the existence of a secret agreement on the sharing of the costs involved in the reversion of Okinawa, which the Japanese government has been consistently denying. The data found by Kobayashi are documents recording the meeting between then South Korean foreign ministry first north American affairs section director general Chang and then U.S. public affairs section officer Smith on May 31, 1973. The papers have been stored at South Korea's Diplomatic History Museum. At the time, the U.S. had been considering transferring VOA to South Korea. According to the document, asked by the South Korean side, Smith replied, "The total size of the relocation has yet to be fixed. We estimate it at approximately 32 million dollars at the first stage of the plan, of which adjustments are being made with the possibility of Japan sharing half the cost." Papers concerning the transfer of VOA collected by South Korea's foreign ministry at the time were also found this time. According to the U.S. Senate's minutes for May 30 1973, referring to the cost of the relocation, Senator Harry Byrd stated: "We (the U.S.) will prepare 23 million dollars. Japan will prepare 16 million dollars." Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Fulbright confirmed, "That is correct." The plan to relocate VOA to South Korea was rebuffed in the end. It was transferred to the Philippines. (31) ISS Japan's experiment module to be completed today, but post-Kibo strategy nowhere in sight YOMIURI (Page 3) (Excerpts) July 19, 2009 (Tatsuo Nakajima in Huston, Makoto Mitsui in the science department) The Japanese experiment module, called Kibo, for the International Space Station (ISS) is to be finally completed today after the TOKYO 00001649 013 OF 015 concept came off the drawing board a quarter of a century ago. Kibo is the first manned space facility Japan has developed by investing 600 billion yen. With the completion of its space base, Japan has reached its goal for manned space activities, but its future vision is nowhere in sight. Noguchi next The last component of Kibo - a facility that supports operations on the outside of the module - was transported to the ISS by the U.S. space shuttle Endeavor on July 18, Japan time. Astronaut Koichi Wakata and others will catch the component with robotic arms and install it in the ISS. Japan's space development was initiated with the development of the nation's first rocket Pencil Rocket in 1955 by Dr. Hideo Itokawa, professor at the University of Tokyo. Japan succeeded in launching the satellite Osumi in 1970 and became the fourth country that succeeded in lifting a satellite, following the former Soviet Union, the U.S., and France. Japan has enhanced the credibility of its domestically produced rockets in the international community. Manned space development, however, affects people's lives and requires exorbitant expenditures. In this area, too, it has finally become possible for Japan to internationally demonstrate its presence. The onboard lab was started up in June of last year, and Tsukuba Space Center has continued monitoring the situation in Kibo on a 24-hour system. Assuming responsibility with the U.S., Russia, and European countries for ensuring the safety of the ISS at last, Japan has won more international trust now. Kibo has brought about this excellent result to Japan as a nation whose economy is based on science and technology. Following Wakata, Soichi Noguchi will be staying at the ISS for six months starting in December of this year. Japan plans to send its astronaut to the ISS almost every year. Space will surely become close to Japanese people. Still far to go It took too many years for the module to be completed. The ISS concept was brought up in the U.S. in 1982. In 1985, Japan formally announced its participation in the project, with a dire to obtain manned rocket technology without lagging behind other countries. The ISS was scheduled to be completed in 1994, but the project was significantly delayed due to changes in circumstances surrounding the project, such as Washington's financial difficulties and Russia's participation after the project was launched. Many parts in the project were also altered. A pall is falling over future laboratory work, because the U.S. space shuttle will be decommissioned next year. Only a Russian space vehicle will be available for the transportation of materials from the ISS to the earth, so only small-sized materials will be brought to the earth. China succeeded in a manned flight in 2003. India is also aiming at a manned flight in the middle of the 2010s. Now that Kibo is completed in accordance with the U.S. plan and that Japan obtained the technology needed for manned space activities, it TOKYO 00001649 014 OF 015 is necessary for Japan to consider post-Kibo operations. But Japan has yet to determine its basic space strategy. Regarding whether Japan would launch its own activities, such as domestic production of a space vehicle, the government just noted in its basic space plan released in June: "The government will look into details, such as a goal and funds, over the next year." The total development cost needed for own manned activities in space is estimated to be several trillion yen, about 10 times more than Japan's annual space budget. It is not easy to make a decision. But Honorable Professor Yasunori Matogawa at the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency commented: "Unless Japan stops depending on the U.S. and puts forth its own strategic goal, Japan will not be able to catch up with other countries." (32) Ghana, a country that is important for Japan FORESIGHT (Page 27) (Abridged) August 2009 Tokyo University Professor Shinichi Kitaoka Ghana is one of the African countries familiar to Japan. In the past, Hideyo Noguchi went there to research yellow fever and died in that country. Ghana was the first country in Black Africa to become independent in 1957. Its leader Kwame Nkrumah was also well known in Japan. However, there are always two sides to a story. Noguchi's research ended in failure, and many people question his character. Some people say that he went to Africa out of his desire for fame. However, after I visited Noguchi's old laboratory and saw his pictures when he was in the capital city of Accra, I was truly impressed. His courage alone in going to Africa in the 1920s, regardless of his motive, deserves compliment. There are also many criticisms against Nkrumah. Soon after he became president, he quickly leaned toward radical socialism. As a result, the economy disintegrated, corruption was rampant, and he was eventually toppled by a coup d'etat. However, such negative image has faded today, and he is mostly remembered as the founding father of the nation. Political stability in Ghana in recent years is noteworthy. Since 1992, several elections have been held peacefully under a multi-party system, and change of administration has taken place. The presidential election in 2008 was decided by a small margin in a runoff vote but this did not give rise to any upheaval, which is unusual in Africa. In terms of industry, steady efforts are being made in agricultural reform. Japan has given its assistance in the form of technology and funding. In many ways, Ghana is a force for stability in Western Africa, and it is an important country for Japan. During my visit, I went to Cape Coast, which used to be the center of the slave trade. An immaculately white castle stands against the dazzling sky and sea on the site where it was first built in 1637. My English guidebook says it is painted in whitewash and the word "whitewash" also means covering up what is deemed undesirable. TOKYO 00001649 015 OF 015 In the past, slaves assembled from the inland were kept in the dungeons of this castle for weeks and months until the next slave ship arrived. They were valuable merchandise, so they were treated relatively well. However, there was no consideration for human dignity. A gutter ran in a gentle slope in the middle of the dungeon, which did not have any windows, so that the slaves were supplied with water and their excretions were disposed of effortlessly. It was a horrible place. While the slave trade had existed in the world since the ancient times, it probably was never administered on a scale like this anywhere else. I found a book on the slave system in Ghana in a bookstore. I was impressed by the young Ghanian researchers' level-headed analysis of the slave system in the country, which did not stop at merely criticizing the white people for the slave trade. At the University of Ghana, I was welcomed by students who once studied in Japan. I am sure they must have had some bad experience in Japan but they all talked only about good memories. Experience in a foreign country during one's youth is most valuable indeed. We certainly would like people who came to Japan and stayed for a few years to become Japan's friends. I delivered a speech on Japan at the University of Ghana. Former President John Kufuor was present. I had originally planned to speak on Japanese diplomacy, but looking at the members of the audience, I changed my mind and talked about the origin and nature of Japanese civilization. ZUMWALT