DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 06/23/09

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 001415

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E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA

SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 06/23/09

INDEX:
(1) Watered-down 2009 basic policy guidelines: Turmoil settled by
omitting spending cuts of 220 billion yen (Mainichi)

(2) Prime Minister Aso out of place; Many LDP members wary of
whether Lower House should be dissolved by Aso (Nikkei)

(3) Examining the Aso administration (Part 1): Response to
once-in-a-century economic crisis; Signs of Lehman bankruptcy
underestimated (Tokyo Shimbun)

(4) Finance Ministry to sign agreement with U.S. for speedier
customs clearance procedure (Nikkei)

(5) Battle with booby traps: Tension high among U.S. Forces in
"high-concentration area" in Afghanistan (Mainichi)

(6) DPJ Okinawa chapter requests DPJ headquarters include in
manifesto for Lower House election the relocation of Futenma to
outside Okinawa (Okinawa Times)

(7) Spy activities linked to antiwar movement: Part one -- "Eroded
defenses: U.S. military bases in Okinawa" (Sankei)

(8) TOP HEADLINES

(9) EDITORIALS

(10) Prime Minister's schedule, June 22 (Nikkei)

(Corrected copy): New argument in Japan on the United States (Part
A) (Mainichi)

ARTICLES:

(1) Watered-down 2009 basic policy guidelines: Turmoil settled by
omitting spending cuts of 220 billion yen

MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full)
June 23, 2009

The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was thrown into chaos over the
2009 basic policy guidelines on economic and fiscal management and
structural reforms, which the government's Council on Economic and
Fiscal Policy presented. The turmoil was at last settled with
Finance Minister and State Minister for Financial Services and
Economic and Fiscal Policy Kaoru Yosano pledging not to apply the
government policy of curbing the natural increase in social security
spending by 220 billion yen a year to the compilation of the fiscal
2010 budget. The government's fiscal recapitalization policy is
being buffeted in the face of pressure for more spending with an eye
on the next Lower House election. The basic policy guidelines have
been watered down so extensively that it is obvious to everyone.

Following opposition voiced at a General Council meeting on June 19,
Chairman Takashi Sasagawa at a special General Council meeting on
June 22 sought understanding, presenting a revision plan stating
that the government's spending reform, such as elimination of
wasteful spending, will be maintained, but necessary social security
spending will be financed. Chairman Hidehisa Otsuji of the LDP
caucus in the Upper House, a frontline leader of members who are
against a cut in social security expenditures, strongly opposed the

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revision plan. With many participants demanding a more explicit
policy switch, approval of the basic policy guidelines was once
again put off.

Sasagawa during a press conference after the meeting expressed his
displeasure with Otsuji, saying, "Since he is the head of the LDP
caucus in the Upper House, he should be making efforts to gain
consensus." He thus hinted at reaching a settlement by majority
vote, although the General Council has so far decided various issues
by unanimous consent.

If the government gives up on the 2006 basic policy guidelines,
which include a policy of cutting 220 billion yen in social security
spending, it could come under fire for backpedalling on fiscal
reconstruction. This could also affect other policies, such as a 3
PERCENT cut in public works. The party executives actually want to
reach a settlement, while maintaining the stance of cutting
expenditures, by making a verbal commitment that a 220 billion yen
cut will not be made obligatory, as Acting Secretary General
Hiroyuki Sonoda put it.

Since the General Council meeting on June 22 was thrown into
confusion, the executives, including Policy Research Council
Chairman Kosuke Hori and Sasagawa, were starting to come under fire.
However, after Yosano hastily met with Otsuji and categorically said
that social security spending will not be trimmed, Otsuji softened
his stance and said, "Our requirement has been met."

An early compromise between the government and the LDP prior to the
compilation of budget request guidelines for fiscal 2010 has
revealed that 2006 basic policy guidelines have been diluted. Former
Secretary General Koichi Kato, a member of the General Council,
pointed out, "The confrontation is over on whether to make a policy
switch from the Koizumi structural policy line or not."

Concerning the retraction of the government policy of slashing
social security expenditures by 220 trillion yen, Prime Minister
Taro Aso told reporters at the Kantei: "The LDP and Mr. Yosano are
now working out the details. I will follow their decision." He thus
indicated his stance of approving their decision.

(2) Prime Minister Aso out of place; Many LDP members wary of
whether Lower House should be dissolved by Aso

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly)
June 23, 2009

The momentum of Prime Minister Taro Aso has been on the decline. For
Aso, who heads a small faction in the Liberal Democratic Party
(LDP),support by major factions and his personal network are strong
driving forces for steering his administration. If a drop in the
support rates for the his cabinet lowers the reputation of Aso to
lead the LDP into the next House of Representatives election, his
support base will be shaken. Prior to the upcoming Lower House
election, many in the LDP are wary of whether the Lower House should
be dissolved by Aso, due to his poor popular support.

"The LDP will make a do or die effort, and I am determined to lead
the party," Aso said on June 20 at the campaign office in Kita Ward
of a candidate for the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election. Aso
emphasized such achievements by his cabinet as the recovery of
Nikkei average to the 10,000 yen level.

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Aso visited the campaign offices of seven Tokyo assembly election
candidates on June 20. Since June 7, he has visited 32 of the 42
districts in Tokyo as of June 22. The reason for his placing
importance on the Tokyo election is because he has predicted that
the outcome of the election will have a major impact on the next
general election.

However, the approval rate for the Aso cabinet dropped to 25 percent
in a poll the Nikkei Shimbun conducted in the middle of June. The
major reasons for the drop are the replacement of Internal Affairs
and Communications Minister Kunio Hatoyama and Aso's flip-flops in
his remarks about whether to split the Ministry of Health, Labor and
Welfare and other issues.

In a meeting on the evening of June 16 of senior Machimura faction
members, including former prime ministers Yoshiro Mori and Shinzo
Abe, and Chief Cabinet Secretary Takeo Kawamura, participants
reportedly raised such views as that if candidates backed by the LDP
were defeated, the LDP presidential election should be moved up in
order to fight the general election under the leadership of Aso's
successor, and that the Lower House election should be delayed to
October.

In the 2008 LDP presidential race, Aso obtained nearly 70 percent of
the votes backed by popular support. Veteran lawmakers from the
Machimura faction, the largest in the LDP, and other factions, have
supported Aso whenever he gets into a difficult situation due to his
gaffes, while remonstrating him. Aso's aide said: "I'm concerned
about a subtle change in the Machimura faction."

Aso's colleagues will unavoidably lose their influence in the party.
LDP Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Tadamori Oshima, Election
Strategy Council Deputy Chairman Yoshihide Suga, and Administrative
Reform Minister Akira Amari will likely be the only Aso's aides who
will be able to remain in the cabinet or key party posts. In a
meeting on June 15 of Shishi no Kai (Patriots Club),Election
Strategy Council Chairman Makoto Koga told former Defense Minister
Fumio Kyuma at the end of the meeting: "I want you to emphasize to
reporters that I have called for a double election of the Tokyo
assembly (and a general election) on July 12."

Koga's aim reportedly was to seek to constrain the move to remove
Aso from office by implying an early dissolution of the Lower House.
However, Koga's remark created a major stir. There was also a rumor
that Koga's real intention was to make sure that if the LDP suffered
a setback municipal election without there being a double election,
the drive to "oust Aso" would be unstoppable. On the evening of June
15, a senior LDP member with close ties to Aso said: "The Prime
Minister has probably made up his mind." The speculation over Aso's
future course of action erupted in political circles.

Meanwhile, Kunio Hatoyama has formed a study group to look into
postal privatization. On the evening of June 17, about 30 LDP Diet
members assembled at the Hatoyama Hall in Otowa, Tokyo.

(3) Examining the Aso administration (Part 1): Response to
once-in-a-century economic crisis; Signs of Lehman bankruptcy
underestimated

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Abridged slightly)
June 22, 2009

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Mid-September last year, Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc., a major
investment bank, collapsed in the United States, while in Japan,
Yasuo Fukuda resigned as prime minister. Shortly thereafter, Taro
Aso and other candidates running in the Liberal Democratic Party
(LDP) presidential race went on nationwide campaign tours.

Aso delivered a speech in Okayama on September 17, two days after
Lehman's news arrived in Japan from the United States. In the
speech, Aso clearly said, "This will not drive Japan into a dire
situation."

Lehman Brothers' bankruptcy was a symbolic event of the global
economic downturn. Even before that, there had been signs of a
global economic crisis, such as the ever-growing subprime loan
problem in the United States. One could not feel a sense of alarm in
Aso's words and actions back then, however.

Aso on his campaign trail expressed at times his concern that this
situation could grow into a global economic recession. At the same
time, he repeatedly expressed his optimistic view, going, "Japan
will sustain less damage than other countries," and "The country's
financial system will escape a serious crisis."

Aso's campaign pledges for the LDP presidency included only a few
concrete steps, such as policy-related tax cuts. The rest was
nothing but a list of abstract expressions, such as "flexible
economic policy making maximum use of the country's potential" and
"a shift from the financial system requiring collateral to a
financial system that invests in people and businesses."

Aso seems to have the philosophy that a pessimistic view would have
a negative impact on the economy. He also had confidence in the
potential of Japan that overcame the financial crisis in the 1990s.

He obviously could not imagine that the country would face several
months later a once-in-a-century financial crisis where major
Japanese corporations post record deficits and massive layoffs and
the cancellation of job offers to graduating students become a
social problem. Aso underestimated what was happening right under
his nose.

The early passage of the first supplementary budget for fiscal 2008,
which had been formulated in outline by the Fukuda cabinet before
Lehman went under, was the only matter Prime Minister Aso tackled
for boosting the economy after assuming office. The extra budget,
which was mainly designed to deal with rising crude oil prices,
seemed belated, and the size of the budget -- 1.8 trillion yen --
was also small.

Prime Minister Aso delivered his first policy speech on Sept. 29,

2008. In it, he suggested the possibility of considering additional
economic reassures, saying, "I will keep a close eye on the course
of the U.S. economy and international financial markets, measure
their influence on the real economy, and respond further as
necessary in a flexible manner." But at that point, his response to
the economic crisis was halfhearted because he was still planning to
dissolve the House of Representatives in November after the first
extra budget cleared the Diet.

Aso decided to give top priority to the economy ahead of the
compilation of the 4.8 trillion yen second supplementary budget. The

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budget was submitted to the Diet on January 5, 2009.

?

The Aso cabinet is wavering. With some LDP members openly talking
about unseating Aso, it is uncertain whether the Prime Minister can
actually exercise the right to dissolve the Lower House. Launched
generally at the same time as the "Lehman shock," the Aso
administration has been at the mercy of the economic crisis. This
series of articles examine the economic measures taken by the Aso
administration over the last nine months.

(4) Finance Ministry to sign agreement with U.S. for speedier
customs clearance procedure

NIKKEI (Page 1) (Full)
June 23, 2009

The Finance Ministry will sign a reciprocal preferential treatment
agreement with the U.S. for the purpose of simplifying customs
clearance procedures for exports and imports involving companies of
both countries. According to the envisaged pact, if companies are
certified as eligible in Japan, cargoes exported by them to the U.S.
can undergo simplified customs clearance procedures in the U.S. The
likelihood is that Tokyo and Washington will reach an agreement
possibly before the end of this week. Once the agreement is signed,
it will likely be put into effect immediately. An increasing number
of countries tend to adopt stricter customs clearance procedures as
a measure against terrorism. The agreement to be concluded between
the U.S. and Japan is, one can say, international cooperation, based
on the Authorized Economic Operator (AEO) System designed to
guarantee corporate creditworthiness, so as to avoid the negative
impact of the strict regular customs clearance procedures. European
countries adopted the AEO system last year. Moves for cooperation
for customs clearance procedures, involving Europe, could spread.

Japan adopted the AEO system in 2006. More than 200 companies,
including Toyota Motors, Sony and Nintendo, have received the
authorization. As part of anti-terrorist measures, the U.S. also
adopted a mechanism for authorized economic operators called the
Customs-Trade Partnership Against Terrorism (C-PAT) in 2002.

Since government guarantee for safety is given to cargoes of
authorized companies, the possibility of such cargoes undergoing
detailed inspections at customs will greatly reduce. The Japan
Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren),the Japan Automobile
Manufacturers Association (JAMA) and the Japan Machinery Center for
Trade and Investment have been strongly calling on the government to
forge international tie-ups using the AEO system so as to simplify
customs clearance procedures.

(5) Battle with booby traps: Tension high among U.S. Forces in
"high-concentration area" in Afghanistan

MAINICHI (Top play, page 6) (Full)
Evening, June 22, 2009

Tomoko Oji, Sharan (Paktika Province, southeast Afghanistan)

This reporter is engaged in embedded journalism, while attached to
the U.S. armed forces in Afghanistan, where the Obama administration
of the United States is sending more troops. Remote villages in

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Paktika lie in a danger zone where the Taliban and other armed
insurgents coming from Pakistan are trying to transport weapons.
With many improvised explosive devices (IED) set up here, American
soldiers, clutching their machine guns, are on high alert.

The U.S. Army outpost in Sharan is about 20 kilometers from the
village. I hitched a ride on a large armored vehicle used for
dealing with bombs on a road known to have a "high concentration" of
such devices. A young soldier told this nervous reporter that, "Even
if we hit an IED, you won't die in this vehicle."

The U.S. and the Afghan military forces set up check points on the
gravel road passing through the village on May 28. Two days later,
there was an attack by armed insurgents, resulting in a exchange of
fire. According to the U.S. military, in just the last three days,
twenty bombs were found in an area near an elementary school.

On top of the hill beside the check point is a graveyard where the
villagers worship their ancestors. Nervous-looking American soldiers
kept watch in a corner there.

The U.S. forces have begun to add 17,000 troops from mid-June. They
are aiming at stabilizing the security situation, but the Taliban
and other forces have reacted strongly to this, so fighting is
expected to intensify.

At a check point in a remote area of Paktika Province, southeast
Afghanistan, Sehaanga Masavi (as transliterated),24, a local police
officer on security duty grumbled, "We would like to reduce civilian
casualties by even just a little."

Paktika is one of the poorest provinces in Afghanistan. The literacy
rate is less than 10 percent. It is not unusual for households to
have neither a radio nor a television. In a situation where there is
a scarcity of information, the Taliban and others reportedly tell
the village leaders: "The American soldiers are killing Afghans on
purpose. They are here to conquer Afghanistan." They then make them
help set up IEDs at little cost. Behind this is the fact that many
civilians have indeed died from the U.S. military's air strikes. On
the other hand, local residents are now not just victims; they also
are inflicting injuries on themselves.

There are a total of 45 troops at the check point, 24 from a U.S.
Army airborne unit based in Alaska, plus Afghan soldiers and police
officers. They check on some 100 vehicles passing through each day.
The job of the Afghan police officers is to cooperate closely with
the local residents to gather information.

There are small villages near this area where nearly 5,000 Pashtuns
live. While I was doing my reporting, a number of male villagers
were looking at us from afar, but none approached us.

The locals looked at the American soldiers with a stern expression.
After I alighted from the armored vehicle, I tried to talk to a
family nearby, but the father shook his head. A male Afghan
interpreter for the U.S. military, 24, said: "They are worried that
the Taliban may target them if they are seen talking to someone
related to the U.S. military."

I also saw a number of women, all covered from head to toe with
burkas. According to the interpreter, "This area is extremely
conservative."

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Kenneth Wolfe, 44, special sergeant major and commanding officer of
the U.S. Army airborne unit's outpost in Sharan, said: "The Taliban
is trying to use conservative poor Afghan citizens in the remote
areas. We are helping to build a system where the citizens can trust
the Afghan government and unite to fight terrorism."

(6) DPJ Okinawa chapter requests DPJ headquarters include in
manifesto for Lower House election the relocation of Futenma to
outside Okinawa

OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full)
June 23, 2009

(Tokyo)

Tadashi Uezato, policy chief of the Democratic Party of Japan's
(DPJ) Okinawa chapter, yesterday visited the DPJ's headquarters to
ask the party to reflect the DPJ 21st Century Okinawa Vision 2008,
which advocates such visions as the relocation of U.S. Marines' Air
Station Futenma to someplace outside Okinawa in a manifesto (set of
campaign pledges) for the next House of Representatives election,
which the party will compile in mid-June (sic). According to Uezato,
he met with DPJ Policy Research Committee Chairman Masayuki Naoshima
and Naoshima took a forward-looking stance, saying: "We want to look
into your request as we are now compiling measures by division."

In addition to the relocation of Futenma out of Okinawa, the DPJ
Okinawa Vision 2008, compiled last July, advocates: creating a
lump-sum subsidy system by abolishing the works under direct
government control in order to aim at a one country two systems
formula; and coming up with economic stimulus measures that meet
Okinawa's characteristics by drastic review, including removing the
landing fees at Naha Airport, the navigation assistance facility
usage fee and the aviation fuel tax.

Referring to DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama's pledge to maintain the
party's position toward the Futenma relocation issue even if the DPJ
win the next Lower House election, Uezato stressed: "As the DPJ
stipulated the relocation of Futenma to outside Okinawa in its
manifesto for the 2005 election, such should be included in the
manifesto this time."

With regard to the system of autonomous control and economic
development, recognizing that there are measures that are the same
as the DPJ's nationwide policy, Uezato said: "There were no
descriptions about Okinawa in the past manifestos. So, in a bid also
to show the DPJ's Okinawa policy, it is necessary to 'Okinawa' in
the manifesto."

(7) Spy activities linked to antiwar movement: Part one -- "Eroded
defenses: U.S. military bases in Okinawa"

SANKEI (Page 3) (Full)
June 22, 2009

Toru Maeda

The U.S. military pride itself as the most powerful armed force in
the world. Kadena Air Base (KAB) in Okinawa, where is based the
18th Wing, the largest combat wing of the U.S. Air Force, was built
to serve as the linchpin of security from Northeast Asia down to

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Southeast Asia. However, it is now in the limelight as the
intelligence base monitoring North Korea's nuclear tests and Chinese
naval vessels in the South China Sea. It also is increasingly
becoming the target of monitoring itself by the anti-base movement
in Okinawa that upholds the slogans of antiwar and peace. Within
this antiwar movement, activities by Chinese and other foreign spies
are now on the rise.

The website "RIMPEACE Track! U.S. Forces Japan" has attracted great
attention recently. The name "RIMPEACE" was coined from "RIMPAC,"
joint Japan-U.S. military exercises in sea areas near Hawaii (Rim of
the Pacific),by changing the last syllable to "peace" to mean
pan-Pacific peace movement. It is an extension of the antiwar and
peace movement demanding the withdrawal of the bases.

RIMPEACE was able to photograph the WC-135, an atmospheric
collection aircraft commonly referred to as the "Constant Phoenix,"
stationed at KAB for the first time on April 14.

Constant Phoenix is well known for being the first to detect
radioactive substances during the Chernobyl nuclear power plant
accident of the former Soviet Union. There used to be a number of
reconnaissance planes with comparable capability to detect
radioactivity, but only one is left today. Therefore, information on
its movements is a top secret.

RIMPEACE was quick to photograph it and reported real time that the
WC-135 "was already on standby on the day after the missile launch.
It had foreseen North Korea's nuclear test or resumption of nuclear
arms development at a very early stage and had been prepared," which
convinced many a military experts.

Actually, what made the filming possible is "Michi no Eki (rest
area) Kadena" right next to the KAB. There are nearly 9,000 "michi
no eki" in Japan, which are part of the regional development efforts
of the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport, and Tourism. In
the case of Kadena, the "michi no eki" is a four-storied building
which commands a full view of the air base from the rooftop. It has
become an international tourist spot for viewing a U.S. military
base.

Among the foreign visitors is a group of Chinese who come to monitor
the base. A tour guide of an Okinawan travel agency says: "Chinese
tourist groups have always wanted to see the Kadena base. However, a
curious group of five to six members has been coming with the
tourists since about two years ago. They leave the tour group and go
on their own, chartering a taxi. They go not only to Kadena, but
also to Futenma, the Naha Military Port, White Beach, and all other
U.S. military bases day after day. They even have an interpreter
whose Japanese is very good, and it was obvious that their purpose
is to monitor the bases."

This group has also been spotted by employees of the cafeteria on
the rooftop of "Michi no Eki Kadena." "Their equipment is very
impressive. They cover the entire base among the five of them. For
some reason, they always show up when there is information on the
takeoff and landing of reconnaissance planes.

What is worrying is that such "reconnaissance" may also be linked to
the antiwar and peace groups in Japan. We obtained the following
testimony in the area neighboring the KAB:


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"There is a man who is very keen on gathering information on KAB. He
is well known among the military base freaks. He goes in and out of
the office of a reformist political party and sometimes shows
antiwar groups coming from the mainland around. This man was
recently seen showing a group of foreigners, who certainly looked
like Chinese VIPs, around."

A similar case was observed when a 29-member delegation of the
Chinese National People's Congress (NPC) visited Okinawa for three
days in March. At first, the delegation strongly asked to go to the
"Michi no Eki Kadena," which overlooks KAB, but at the last minute,
changed their destination to the "Okinawa oil depot" (in Uruma
City).

Japan, which has no oil resources, has an extensive network of oil
storage bases all over the country. These oil depots may become
important strategic sites in an emergency in Okinawa, where there
are many U.S. military bases. Furthermore, the U.S. naval base in
White Beach is also located near the oil depot. White Beach was once
used as a supply base during an emergency in Taiwan.

The NPC delegation came to Japan in the name of Japan-China
friendship, but they had insisted on visiting Okinawa from the
beginning. The reason given was "economic exchanges based on
historical and cultural links." But why did they insist on seeing
the oil depot? Actually, two senior People's Liberation Army cadres
were also members of the delegation.

The problem is: Okinawa Times, Ryukyu Shimpo, and the local media
only reported on the economic exchanges, such as the luncheon of the
delegation with the business sector. They kept silent on the visit
to the oil depot.

(8) TOP HEADLINES

Asahi:
FTC slaps retraction order on Seven Eleven; ban on price cutting
judged unfair

Mainichi:
Ban on marked-down prices at convenience stores judged unfair; FTC
slaps retraction order on Seven Eleven

Yomiuri:
Prime minister accepts Nishikawa keeping job as Japan Post chief;
appreciates internal penalties imposed

Nikkei:
Government, ruling parties retract restraint on social security
spending in next fiscal year's budget; possible pressure for
increasing spending

Sankei:
"Big-boned Policies 2009": Provision on "North Korea measures"
leaves room for defense budget increase

Tokyo Shimbun:
Ban on price cutting by convenience stores judged unfair: FTC slaps
retraction order on Seven Eleven

Akahata:
30 years of "sympathy" budget: Over 2 trillion yen spent for U.S.

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military bases improvement

(9) EDITORIALS

Asahi:
(1) Seven Eleven: Aim for a mechanism for not wasting food
(2) Confusion in Iran: Serious concerns on suppression of
reformists

Mainichi:
(1) Retraction order on convenience stores: Think about massive
disposal of food
(2) Nuclear umbrella: Feeling of being protected? - by editorial
writer Hiroshi Fuse

Yomiuri:
(1) Seven Eleven: Ban on price cutting questioned under
Anti-Monopoly Law
(2) Government rescue of Japan Airlines: Break away from habit of
relying on government

Nikkei:
(1) Strict standards for government rescue of private companies
(2) Convenience store management facing review

Sankei:
(1) Aso administration: Time to present policies to seek people's
verdict
(2) Iran riots: Suppression will aggravate situation

Tokyo Shimbun:
(1) Iran riots: Exercise restraint on suppression by force
(2) Stockholder meetings: Evasive management is unacceptable

Akahata:
(1) Plan to build new military base in Okinawa: Scrap the plan in
accordance with the Okinawan people's wishes

(10) Prime Minister's schedule, June 22

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
June 23, 2009

07:24 Took a walk around his official residence.
09:31 Attended a cabinet meeting. Chief Cabinet Secretary Kawamura
stayed on.
09:59 Met Consumers Affairs Minister Noda at the Kantei.
11:03 Met Russian Presidential Executive Office head Naryshkin
12:55 Met Vice Foreign Minister Yabunaka.
13:32 Met MOFA Foreign Policy Bureau Director-General Bessho and
Cabinet Office Secretariat of the International Peace Cooperation
Headquarters chief Takada in the presence of Assistant Chief Cabinet
Secretary Hayashi.
14:44 Attended a meeting of the national council to create beautiful
forests held at the Toranomon Pastral.
16:00 Placed a telephone call to German Chancellor Merkel. Afterward
met Assistant Chief Cabinet Secretary Fukuda, followed by Vice
Finance Minister Sugimoto, Budget Bureau Director-General Tango, Tax
Bureau Director-General Kato, and Deputy Vice Finance Minister
Katsu.
17:01 Attended an LDP executive meeting in the Diet building.
Secretary General Hosoda, General Council Chairman Sasagawa, Policy

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Research Council Chairman Hori, Upper House Caucus Chairman Otsuji
and Election Strategy Council Chairman Koga stayed on.
17:28 Met Internal Affairs and Communications Minister Sato at the
Kantei.
18:03 Returned to his official residence.
18:38 Visited the campaign office in Higashi-kasai of a candidate
running in the Tokyo assembly election.
19:05 Visited the campaign office in Harue-cho of a candidate
running in the Tokyo assembly election.
19:38 Visited the campaign office in Katsushika's Kamakura of a
candidate running in the Tokyo assembly election.
19:59 Visited the campaign office in Aoto of a candidate running in
the Tokyo assembly election.
20:40 Returned to his official residence.

(Corrected copy): New argument in Japan on the United States (Part
A): Japan offers apology 68 years after Bataan Death March that
claimed lives of 800 American POWs; First step to discussions on
historical views triggered by wartime sex slavery resolution

MAINICHI (Top play and page 3) (Abridged slightly)
June 22, 2009

On May 30, U.S. Ambassador to Japan Ichiro Fujisaki, attending the
convention of an organization of former prisoners of war (POW),
offered the Japanese government's apology for the first time for the
Bataan Death March. The Bataan Death March is an incident that
occurred in 1942 during WWII in which the Imperial Japanese Army
forced over 10,000 people, including American POWs, walk for more
than 100 km on the Philippines' Bataan Peninsula, and some 800
people died as a result.

Since the history textbook issue of late 1990s, discussions have
been going on in Japan over the meaning of the last major war and
the question of wartime responsibility. But the issue of historical
views between Japan and the United States has effectively been
sealed off. What does the apology 68 years after the incident
signify?

The convention of the American Defenders of Bataan and Corregidor
(ADBC),which sought Japan's apology, took place in San Antonio,
Texas. The organization disbanded itself that day, citing the
advanced ages of its members.

At the convention, Fujisaki said: "The government of Japan would
like to extend a heartfelt apology for having caused tremendous
damage and suffering to many people, including prisoners of war,
those who have undergone tragic experiences on the Bataan Peninsula,
Corregidor Island (where the U.S. military command was located) and
other places. An invitation to Japan is being worked on." Fujisaki's
words elicited a standing ovation from about half of the 400
attendees.

At the convention hall, Fujisaki also said: "The basic view
expressed (by me) today was within the framework of the statement
issued in 1995 by then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama. But I think
Japan responded clearly to the interest of former POWs. I was glad
that I was able to attend the ADBC's last convention."

ADBC National Commander Lester Tenney met with Fujisaki for the
first time last November. Since receiving letters of apology last
December and this February, Tenney had repeatedly called for

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Fujisaki's attendance at the convention to make a direct apology to
the ADBC members. Listening to Fujisaki's candid statement, Tenney
nodded his head in approval, thinking, "The chapter has now come to
an end."

The question of historical views between Japan and United States had
long been a taboo. The taboo was shattered in July 2007 when the
U.S. House of Representatives adopted a resolution seeking Japan's
apology for having forced foreign women to serve as sexual slaves
for the Imperial Japanese Army during WWII. The Japanese government
tried to block it and conservative opinion leaders and lawmakers
fiercely objected to it. The event exposed gaps in view between the
two countries.

It sent especially strong shockwaves through the Foreign Ministry.
"Japan's postwar pacifism is not sufficiently understood by the
American public. If there are calls in the United States for Japan's
apology, the government should respond to them as much as possible,"
a senior Foreign Ministry official noted.

Chuo University law professor Yozo Yokota took this view: "The
handling of POWs could be a violation of international law. But if
the United States tries to pursue Japan, arguments would emerge from
Japan that the dropping of atomic bombs and air raids were also
illicit. I believe there has been a tacit understanding between
Japan and the United States to avoid subjects that could harm the
bilateral security alliance."

The question of wartime responsibility has been put on the
backburner throughout the postwar period for the sake of
strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance. But the question still haunts
the two countries which will celebrate (next year) the 50th
anniversary of the conclusion of the revised U.S.-Japan Security
Treaty.

In the postwar period, the argument has gained ground in Japan that
the country was forced to accept the masochistic historical view
under the American Occupation. At the same time, Japan tends to
direct its criticism to China, South Korea, and North Korea instead
of frontally discussing the United States on which Japan heavily
relies for its national security. With an increase in the use of
sensational language in conservative magazines, the monthly magazine
Shokun suspended its publication in May. Reportedly the reason was
partly because even though its basic line was conservative the
magazine's stance of carrying a wide range of arguments, including
counterarguments, showed that it could no longer resist the trend.

ZUMWALT