DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/18/09

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 001120

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TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA

SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/18/09

INDEX:
(1) Japan's choice: Yukio or Taro (Part 1: Policies) (Tokyo Shimbun)


(2) Okada, Hatoyama both mum on constitutional revision, giving
consideration to former Japan Socialist Party members (Mainichi)

(3) Ozawa to hold real power for election strategy in DPJ (Nikkei)

(4) Where is Ozawa and Hatoyama-led DPJ headed? (Part 1): With
continued reliance on Ozawa, party hardly regarded as revitalized
(Mainichi)

(5) Prime Minister Aso proposes Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry
be split in two (Yomiuri)

(6) Hatoyama's policy on Futenma to be focus of attention; All eyes
on his leadership in opposition united front in next Lower House
election (Ryukyu Shimpo)

(7) Hatoyama and Okinawa: Strong interest in military base issues,
consistent advocate of base relocation outside Okinawa (Ryukyu
Shimpo)

(8) Japan to provide PKO education to AU as joint effort with UN
(Mainichi)

ARTICLES:

(1) Japan's choice: Yukio or Taro (Part 1: Policies)

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Full)
May 18, 2009

Will President Hatoyama be able to demonstrate a fraternal society?
Prime Minister Aso plays up economic measures

At long last, the paradigm for choosing the next administration is
now in place. The choice is between Prime Minister Taro Aso
(president of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)) and Democratic
Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama. There are indeed
doubts about whether these two have the "makings of a prime
minister," but there is practically no doubt that one of them will
take the helms of Japan as a result of the next House of
Representatives election. We compare the two and look at prospects
for the Lower House election and Japan's future.

Hatoyama put forward the idea of "fraternity" (yuai) in the DPJ
presidential election. This is an idea that came from the spirit of
"liberty, equality, and fraternity" of the French Revolution and was
made popular by Hatoyama's grandfather, former prime minister Ichiro
Hatoyama shortly after the end of World War II.

Hatoyama, who has not hesitated to declare that, "I was born to
realize a fraternal society," has consistently adhered to this
concept as a politician. In 1995, when Hatoyama was still a member
of the (now defunct) New Party Sakigake, he stated during
representative interpellation at the plenary session of the Lower
House that, "I would like to bring the spirit of fraternity
advocated by my grandfather onto the political stage once again."
His thinking has remained unchanged for 14 years.


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However, the problem is that the people do not have a clear picture
of "yuai." To be sure, the concept's goal is to build a society of
mutual respect among people and giving each other a helping hand in
times of trouble. This is Hatoyama's version of the DPJ's ideals of
"self-reliance and coexistence." However, how will Hatoyama
incorporate the fraternal spirit into the economic measures, which
he himself admits "need to be implemented quickly"?

It seems that the proposals for constitutional revision presented by
Hatoyama in 2004 provided some clues. In these proposals, Hatoyama
showed a strong desire to enhance the "right to a minimum standard
of living." He added to the "the right to maintain the minimum
standards of wholesome and cultured living" a "guarantee of
comfortable dwellings." This shows his determination not to produce
any "losers" in a society of disparities, such as Internet caf
refugees, under his administration.

In his speech at the DPJ presidential election on May 16, Hatoyama
cited a society in which the disabled can take pride in their work
and the aged can live out their days in happiness at their homes as
examples of a fraternal society. However, this is still vague.

It is reported that the word "yuai" will be printed on the cover of
the DPJ manifesto for the next Lower House election. The question is
whether this concept can be integrated into the manifesto from page
2 and beyond.

Meanwhile, Aso will be facing Hatoyama's challenge. He says: "For
now, the top priority is economic measures." He has been working on
the "three-stage rocket" of economic measures consisting of the
second FY08 supplementary budget, the FY09 budget, and the FY09
supplementary budget.

Now that it has become clear that Hatoyama will basically inherit
the policies of former president Ichiro Ozawa, Aso reckons that
there is no need to change his strategy of facing off against the
DPJ by putting forward his achievements in terms of economic
measures.

Aso has attacked the DPJ's policies for "failing to identify revenue
sources." He plans to highlight the irresponsibility of Hatoyama,
who has gone as far as saying "there is no need to discuss
increasing the consumption tax rate for some time."

Aso was president of Aso Cement Company before becoming a
politician, and he is confident that his experience as a business
operator will help him come up with practical economic measures.
However, the viewpoint of a business operator may be perceived as
"condescending" by ordinary folks.

(2) Okada, Hatoyama both mum on constitutional revision, giving
consideration to former Japan Socialist Party members

MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full)
May 16, 2009

Both Okada and Hatoyama have remained cautious in their campaigns
about making statements on constitutional revision. Although Okada
did not rule out the necessity for revising the Constitution, he
noted, "Its priority is rather low." Hatoyama, who is supposed to be
an advocate of constitutional reform like his grandfather, Ichiro
Hatoyama, who was once a prime minister, said, "The situation is not

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conducive to allow me to revise the Constitution as soon as I become
prime minister."

Hatoyama has no choice but to stifle constitutional debate in aiming
at a change in government with an all-party setup, as it could
become a source of internal contention. At the same time, Hatoyama
apparently gave consideration to the former Japan Socialist Party
members who are protectors of the present Constitution. They have
become the target of both the Okada and Hatoyama groups' active
attempts to collect as many supporters as possible as May 16, voting
day, arrives.

The Liberal Forum (consisting of 15 lawmakers, including Lower House
member Hideo Hiraoka),a policy group that objects to Japan using
the right to collective self-defense, adopted a set of policies on
May 14 and 15 that includes adherence to Article 9 of the
Constitution. It warned the party not to press ahead with debate on
constitutional revision.

(3) Ozawa to hold real power for election strategy in DPJ

NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full)
May 18, 2009

Calling Katsuya Okada at his private residence in Ichigaya, Tokyo,
on the evening of May 17, Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President
Yukio Hatoyama asked him to assume the post of secretary general. He
then said, "I will put Mr. Ozawa on" and handed the receiver to
Ozawa. At this moment, it was made clear that it was not Secretary
General Okada but Acting President for election strategy Ozawa who
was in charge of elections, including the next House of
Representatives election.

When Hatoyama announced the new lineup, Ozawa was next to him, a
smile beaming on his face. Okada told reporters: "I will say what
should be said in my role, but Mr. Ozawa is in charge of election
strategy." Hatoyama also said: "I will naturally get a grip on the
reins of the party, but I will ask Mr. Ozawa to be responsible for
matters related to elections." The Hatoyama-Ozawa leadership was set
in motion, in effect.

Lawmakers close to Okada were concerned about how Ozawa would be
treated in the new leadership. If Ozawa takes charge of election
strategy, he will be responsible for managing election funds and
candidate endorsements, resulting in weakening the substantial power
of the president and the secretary general.

A member of the Okada group disclosed this inside story:
"'Appointing Okada as secretary general' was a phrase in the
presidential race to attract junior and mid-ranking party members
(who are supportive of Okada)."

It was Okada who reiterated the importance of party unity in the
presidential election campaign. Some observers take the view that if
he declined Hatoyama's offer for the post of secretary general, the
picture of confrontation between pro-Ozawa and anti-Ozawa members
would be underlined and that criticism would eventually be directed
at him.

A senior House of Councillors member who supports Ozawa said: "Since
the new leadership will just last until the next Lower House
election, we do not mind whoever becomes secretary general."

TOKYO 00001120 004 OF 009



In order for Hatoyama to secure party unity, it was imperative to
give a key post to Ozawa and appoint Okada as secretary general. He
could not ignore relations with the Social Democratic Party, the
People's New Party (PNP) and other opposition parties. Given that
Ozawa established cooperative relations with the other two parties
on elections strategies, the role of overseeing elections went to
him.

Hatoyama attended a general meeting of Zentoku (the national
association of postmasters),which supports the PNP, in Chiba after
noon of May 17, in which he asked the participants for their support
in the next general election: "If we assume political power, we will
implement our promise without fail of reviewing the privatization of
postal services on a priority basis."

Some of the party members who distance themselves from Ozawa harbor
dissatisfaction (at the favorable treatment of Ozawa). A junior
member in the Okada group criticized the appointment of Ozawa as
acting president, saying: "I see the limits of the DPJ. ... If I
were a Liberal Democratic Party member, I would sharply criticize
the appointment. He is like Putin." He cited the name of Putin, who
has continued to hold power in Russia even after appointing Dmitry
Medvedev as his successor.

Seiji Maehara, who resigned as party president to take
responsibility for the fake e-mail fiasco, openly applied pressure
on Ozawa before the lineup of party executives was unofficially
announced, saying: "When I stepped down, newly appointed President
Ozawa asked me to become vice president. But I thought it would be
improper to assume the post immediately after the resignation." A
female party member made this comment just before Hatoyama's DPJ was
launched: "A pattern of confrontation between the LDP and anti-LDP
might be formed. Uncertainty seems to be looming over party unity."

(4) Where is Ozawa and Hatoyama-led DPJ headed? (Part 1): With
continued reliance on Ozawa, party hardly regarded as revitalized

MAINICHI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly)
May 17, 2009

It has been over two months since Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ)
President Ichiro Ozawa's secretary was arrested. Ozawa announced his
decision (on May 12) to step down from the post, as he failed to
realize his plan to quell public criticism and turn the tables. The
DPJ consequently selected Secretary General Yukio Hatoyama, who
"shares the fate of Ozawa," as new president instead of Vice
President Katsuya Okada, who is more popular with the public. The
gap with public opinion comes from the party's dependence on Ozawa,
the election strategist, and a feeling of awe toward him who
provides a sense of stability. This series of articles examines the
challenges associated with the DPJ that has opted for an
Ozawa-Hatoyama leadership which is strongly tinged with an Ozawa
policy imprint.

The outcome of the DPJ presidential election was announced shortly
after 2 p.m. May 16 at the Hotel Okura in Tokyo's Toranomon
district. Learning of his victory, Hatoyama stood up to his feet and
bowed deeply. He then firmly shook hands with Okada and the two
raised their hands in the AIR on the stage to play up their
determination to solidify party unity. Ozawa was not on the stage.


TOKYO 00001120 005 OF 009


"It's a huge margin," Ozawa said to himself as the results were
announced. Ozawa then said, "Thank you," as he shook hands with
Hatoyama who came down from the stage. Ozawa then immediately left
the hall. Behind Ozawa's words, an Ozawa aide felt a sense of relief
that Okada was not able to catch up with Hatoyama.

The DPJ was established 11 years ago as a patchwork party with the
aim of bringing about a two-party system. The party has often been
criticized for its lack of unity. Ozawa brought stability to the
party with elections as the "glue." The DPJ achieved a victory in
the Chiba Constituency 7 by-election on April 24, 2006, under Ozawa
who assumed the presidency after Seiji Maehara resigned from the
post on March 31 for taking responsibly for a fake email scandal.
Ozawa maintained his grip on power within the DPJ by achieving
victories in critical elections, including the 2007 House of
Councillors election. Last September, he secured his third term as
DPJ president without a vote.

As the Ozawa-led DPJ took root, the party lost its positive
qualities, such as open and free policy debate. Some party lawmakers
became discontent with Ozawa's approach of sealing off policy debate
and monopolizing results of constituency surveys.

Backed by lawmakers who were keeping themselves at arm's length with
Ozawa, Okada called for a departure from the Ozawa policy course in
his campaign speech on May 16, saying: "Our party has the culture
the Liberal Democratic Party does not have. We freely discuss
matters and respect results. Our party is managed in a transparent
fashion. Let us enhance such strengths." Given Ozawa's resignation
as DPJ president in the face of public rejection of the DPJ's old
LDP-like nature, how to break away from its dependence on Ozawa was
supposed to be at issue in the latest party presidential election.
Despite that, DPJ lawmakers elected Hatoyama as their president who
asked them to embrace Ozawa's thinking.

The House of Councillors contributed significantly to Hatoyama's
victory. The 2007 Upper House election produced the so-called
Koizumi children. The DPJ's Upper House Caucus Chairman Azuma
Koshiishi clearly told the press corps that he had voted for
Hatoyama, while expressing his hope that Hatoyama would build a
united party. Meanwhile, Vice President Seiji Maehara, who had
backed Okada, admitted to the press that the Upper House blocked
Okada's presidency.

The party's endorsement of continued reliance on Ozawa, a far cry
from the goal of remaking the DPJ via the presidential election, is
likely to linger on as a source of conflict in the party.

Immediately after assuming the post, President Hatoyama had a
tete-a-tete with Okada to ask him to join the new party leadership
in order to enhance party unity.

In response, Okada warned against using party posts as rewards for
backing Hatoyama during the presidential race.

With the next House of Representatives election approaching,
Hatoyama failed to achieve the goal of breaking away from the
influence of Ozawa, the election strategist. As new DPJ president,
Hatoyama now finds himself on the horns of dilemma. "There would
always be criticism about Mr. Hatoyama being a puppet of Mr. Ozawa.
Would the public regard the DPJ as revitalized?" a mid-level DPJ
lawmaker said with a sigh.

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(5) Prime Minister Aso proposes Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry
be split in two

YOMIYRI (Top Play) (Full)
May 16, 2009

Prime Minister Taro Aso revealed on the night of May 15 a plan to
split the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry into two ministries: a
social security ministry in charge of medical, nursing care, pension
and other social security issues, and a ministry for people's lives
charged with matters related to employment and the falling
birthrate. Aso revealed the plan at the third meeting of the council
to realize a secure society, which is a government advisory panel
comprising experts. In order to place importance on the daily lives
of the people, he intends to realign government ministries and
agencies along with a Consumer Affairs Agency, which is scheduled to
be launched probably before the end of this year.

Aso said in the meeting:

"Let's not think that we are simply splitting the Ministry of
Health, Labor and Welfare, but let's instead see this as reinforcing
a ministry that takes charge of the goal of realizing a society
where people can live without anxiety."

Aso said he was considering various names for the new ministries,
including the "ministry for the daily lives of the people" for one
and the "social security ministry" for the other. In his plan, the
new social security ministry would take over the Health, Labor and
Welfare Ministry's responsibility for medical treatment, nursing
care, pension and related services; and the new ministry for
people's livelihoods would take over the Health, Labor and Welfare
Ministry's responsibility for employment and administration of
nursery schools, as well as some duties of the Cabinet offices such
as addressing the nation's declining birthrate and realizing a
gender-equal society. Aso said: "We need to work out the details of
the proposal, but I believe it's desirable to split the Health,
Labor and Welfare Ministry in this way."

At the meeting, Tsuneo Watanabe, chairman of the board and editor in
chief of The Yomiuri Shimbun Holdings, proposed splitting the
ministry in two and create a ministry governing employment and
pension and another (ministry or agency) taking charge of medical
treatment and elderly care. Aso disclosed the plan based on
Watanabe's proposal.

Referring to the Internal Affairs and Communications Ministry, which
was established in 2001 by integrating the Home Affairs Ministry,
the Pots and Telecommunications Ministry and the Management and
Coordination Agency, Aso said: "The ministry is too big. I believe
it would operate more effectively if it is split without increasing
the number of officials." If the two ministries are reorganized, the
present framework of the government ministries and agencies would
change drastically. The present structure was made in 2001. There is
a possibility that Aso's realignment plan will be included in the
Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) manifesto (set of campaign pledges)
for the next House of Representatives election.

While the public's anxiety has been complicated, there is concern
about the evils of the vertically fragmented system of
administration because such issues as the declining birthrate and

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aging population, employment and childcare are managed by such
ministries as the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry and the Cabinet
Office. This is the reason why Aso made the proposal.

The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare was established in 2001 by
integrating the Health and Welfare Ministry and the Labor Ministry.
The ministry is known for its gigantic size, with an allocation of
about 25 trillion yen in the general accounting budget for fiscal

2009. The ministry is in charge of wide-ranging areas including
medical services, pension and labor administration. In recent years,
the Social Insurance Agency, an external organ of the Ministry of
Health, Labor and Welfare, has undermined public trust over the
government's administration on social security after the agency was
revealed to have been involved in falsifying pension records. Since
then, some in the government have called for a review of the
ministry, in which the budget and duties are unevenly distributed.

(6) Hatoyama's policy on Futenma to be focus of attention; All eyes
on his leadership in opposition united front in next Lower House
election

RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full)
May 17, 2009

Shoichiro Yonamine

With Yukio Hatoyama's election as the new president of the
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ),the party's manifesto for the next
House of Representatives election is likely to follow the policies
of the Ozawa leadership. With regard to Okinawa issues, the focus of
attention will be on whether the DPJ will set this as a point of
contention with the Liberal Democratic Party-New Komeito
administration based on its "Okinawa Vision 2008," which calls for a
drastic review of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement and the
relocation of the US Forces' Futenma AIR Station outside Okinawa or
outside Japan.


Political situation in Okinawa

Hatoyama has visited Okinawa many times for election campaigns, and
the DPJ Okinawa chapter has supported him because "he is more deeply
involved with Okinawa than Mr. Okada." In his speech given after
taking over the DPJ presidency, Hatoyama talked about the
"relocation of Futenma outside Okinawa," thus indicating his
position on the U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) realignment plans agreed
upon by the Japanese and U.S. governments.

Meanwhile, with regard to the return of the Futenma base, there is a
persistent view in the DPJ that, "Inasmuch as we claim to be a party
preparing to take over the administration, we need to come up with a
responsible counterproposal on the relocation site." Furthermore,
with the agreement on the relocation of U.S. Marines in Okinawa to
Guam - premised on the construction of an alternative facility for
Futenma in Henoko, Nago City - already approved by the Diet, how
serious is the party about pressing for a review of USFJ realignment
plans? Its posture in negotiations with the U.S. will be put to the
test.

Since the Okinawa issues are directly linked to the question of
security, which is regarded as the biggest problem for the DPJ, this
will be a litmus test for the new president's ability to unite the

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various forces in the party.

With regard to the political situation, how Hatoyama steers the
opposition united front with the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and
the People's New Party (PNP) - on which former president Ichiro
Ozawa had attached great importance - will affect the outcome of the
election in the Okinawa constituencies.

The DPJ will endorse the PNP's official candidate in the first
district of Okinawa. This is an electoral district that will be
watched nationally for the success of election cooperation, since
the outcome will provide clues for the plan for a tripartite
coalition government by the three opposition parties. The official
DPJ and SDP candidates will compete in the third district, and this
will cast a shadow on election cooperation in the second and fourth
districts. Whether Ozawa, who is very likely to be responsible for
campaign strategy under the new Hatoyama leadership, will intervene
in this matter is a question of high interest.

(7) Hatoyama and Okinawa: Strong interest in military base issues,
consistent advocate of base relocation outside Okinawa

RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full)
May 17, 2009

Tokyo

Yukio Hatoyama, who was just elected as the new president of the
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ),has consistently advocated the
relocation of the U.S. military bases in Okinawa to outside the
prefecture since the 1990s. He has served as the chair of the
cross-party group of opposition Diet members, the Diet members'
panel on Okinawa and U.S. military base issues, since it was founded
in 2005 and has been involved with Okinawa base issues for many
years.

When campaigning for Masahide Ota's bid to become Okinawa governor
in November 1998, Hatoyama said in his speech that, "All politicians
should think more seriously about whether there is a suitable
relocation site in his own constituency. This is not a problem that
can be resolved if everybody abhors the idea of having (a U.S.
military base) moved into his district." He asserted that U.S.
military base issues should be regarded as a national problem.

At a Lower House plenary session in 2005, Hatoyama challenged then
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi to "demand the return of the
Futenma base without requiring a replacement facility from the U.S."
He has also advocated the need to revise the Japan-U.S. Status of
Forces Agreement (SOFA) on various occasions and has shown his
support for reducing the burden on Okinawa imposed by the high
concentration of bases.

Regarding economic development, Hatoyama mentioned Okinawa's
potential for developing industries based on its geographical
advantage at an interview with Ryukyu Shimpo in 2006. "The idea of a
'one country, two systems' scheme specific to Okinawa is an
option."

(8) Japan to provide PKO education to AU as joint effort with UN

MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full)
May 16, 2009

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Hiroaki Wada, Cairo

The UN, the African Union (AU),and Japan will jointly hold a
training session in Cairo for senior AU officials who are in charge
of peacekeeping operations (PKO),starting on May 24. The training
is in response to a request by the AU, which wants to boost its
capability to deal with conflicts and civil wars. This is the first
time for Japan to conduct such training jointly with the UN and the
AU.

According to a related source, the training will be held for about
two weeks at the Cairo Regional Center for Training on Conflict
Resolution & Peacekeeping in Africa (CCCPA) of the Egyptian
government.

Hosei University Professor Sukehiro Hasegawa, former special
representative of the Secretary General of the UN in Timor-Leste and
head of the UN mission of support in East Timor (UNMISET) and Ground
Self-Defense FORCE (GSDF) Major General Muneo Sakakieda, who has
broad experience in PKO planning, will participate as trainers from
Japan.

About career track 25 officers in the Africa Standby Force, which
the AU aims to streamline by 2010, will receive the training.
Participants will carry out PKO training exercises according to
their assigned roles. Trainers will instruct them based on their
actual experiences. Portions of the costs of the training will be
financed from the 3 million dollars that Japan has disbursed to the
CCCPA through the UN Development Program (UNDP).

The conflict in the Darfur region of western Sudan, where 200,000
people have presumably died, and the Somali civil war are continuing
in Africa. UN PKO troops cannot handle all of the required
operations.

The AU aims to boost its capability to settle disputes. However,
there are many challenges to these efforts, including how to improve
training and unify the chain of command.

In recent years, Japan has assisted Africa in strengthening its
peacekeeping capabilities. Japan extended financial assistance to
the PKO training centers in five African countries last year, and
also dispatched two Self-Defense Forces officers to Egypt as
trainers.

ZUMWALT