DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/18/09

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 001120 SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/18/09 INDEX: (1) Japan's choice: Yukio or Taro (Part 1: Policies) (Tokyo Shimbun) (2) Okada, Hatoyama both mum on constitutional revision, giving consideration to former Japan Socialist Party members (Mainichi) (3) Ozawa to hold real power for election strategy in DPJ (Nikkei) (4) Where is Ozawa and Hatoyama-led DPJ headed? (Part 1): With continued reliance on Ozawa, party hardly regarded as revitalized (Mainichi) (5) Prime Minister Aso proposes Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry be split in two (Yomiuri) (6) Hatoyama's policy on Futenma to be focus of attention; All eyes on his leadership in opposition united front in next Lower House election (Ryukyu Shimpo) (7) Hatoyama and Okinawa: Strong interest in military base issues, consistent advocate of base relocation outside Okinawa (Ryukyu Shimpo) (8) Japan to provide PKO education to AU as joint effort with UN (Mainichi) ARTICLES: (1) Japan's choice: Yukio or Taro (Part 1: Policies) TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Full) May 18, 2009 Will President Hatoyama be able to demonstrate a fraternal society? Prime Minister Aso plays up economic measures At long last, the paradigm for choosing the next administration is now in place. The choice is between Prime Minister Taro Aso (president of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)) and Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama. There are indeed doubts about whether these two have the "makings of a prime minister," but there is practically no doubt that one of them will take the helms of Japan as a result of the next House of Representatives election. We compare the two and look at prospects for the Lower House election and Japan's future. Hatoyama put forward the idea of "fraternity" (yuai) in the DPJ presidential election. This is an idea that came from the spirit of "liberty, equality, and fraternity" of the French Revolution and was made popular by Hatoyama's grandfather, former prime minister Ichiro ;Hatoyama shortly after the end of World War II. Hatoyama, who has not hesitated to declare that, "I was born to realize a fraternal society," has consistently adhered to this concept as a politician. In 1995, when Hatoyama was still a member of the (now defunct) New Party Sakigake, he stated during representative interpellation at the plenary session of the Lower House that, "I would like to bring the spirit of fraternity advocated by my grandfather onto the political stage once again." His thinking has remained unchanged for 14 years. TOKYO 00001120 002 OF 009 However, the problem is that the people do not have a clear picture of "yuai." To be sure, the concept's goal is to build a society of mutual respect among people and giving each other a helping hand in times of trouble. This is Hatoyama's version of the DPJ's ideals of "self-reliance and coexistence." However, how will Hatoyama incorporate the fraternal spirit into the economic measures, which he himself admits "need to be implemented quickly"? It seems that the proposals for constitutional revision presented by Hatoyama in 2004 provided some clues. In these proposals, Hatoyama showed a strong desire to enhance the "right to a minimum standard of living." He added to the "the right to maintain the minimum standards of wholesome and cultured living" a "guarantee of comfortable dwellings." This shows his determination not to produce any "losers" in a society of disparities, such as Internet caf refugees, under his administration. In his speech at the DPJ presidential election on May 16, Hatoyama cited a society in which the disabled can take pride in their work and the aged can live out their days in happiness at their homes as examples of a fraternal society. However, this is still vague. It is reported that the word "yuai" will be printed on the cover of the DPJ manifesto for the next Lower House election. The question is whether this concept can be integrated into the manifesto from page 2 and beyond. Meanwhile, Aso will be facing Hatoyama's challenge. He says: "For now, the top priority is economic measures." He has been working on the "three-stage rocket" of economic measures consisting of the second FY08 supplementary budget, the FY09 budget, and the FY09 supplementary budget. Now that it has become clear that Hatoyama will basically inherit the policies of former president Ichiro Ozawa, Aso reckons that there is no need to change his strategy of facing off against the DPJ by putting forward his achievements in terms of economic measures. Aso has attacked the DPJ's policies for "failing to identify revenue sources." He plans to highlight the irresponsibility of Hatoyama, who has gone as far as saying "there is no need to discuss increasing the consumption tax rate for some time." Aso was president of Aso Cement Company before becoming a politician, and he is confident that his experience as a business operator will help him come up with practical economic measures. However, the viewpoint of a business operator may be perceived as "condescending" by ordinary folks. (2) Okada, Hatoyama both mum on constitutional revision, giving consideration to former Japan Socialist Party members MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) May 16, 2009 Both Okada and Hatoyama have remained cautious in their campaigns about making statements on constitutional revision. Although Okada did not rule out the necessity for revising the Constitution, he noted, "Its priority is rather low." Hatoyama, who is supposed to be an advocate of constitutional reform like his grandfather, Ichiro Hatoyama, who was once a prime minister, said, "The situation is not TOKYO 00001120 003 OF 009 conducive to allow me to revise the Constitution as soon as I become prime minister." Hatoyama has no choice but to stifle constitutional debate in aiming at a change in government with an all-party setup, as it could become a source of internal contention. At the same time, Hatoyama apparently gave consideration to the former Japan Socialist Party members who are protectors of the present Constitution. They have become the target of both the Okada and Hatoyama groups' active attempts to collect as many supporters as possible as May 16, voting day, arrives. The Liberal Forum (consisting of 15 lawmakers, including Lower House member Hideo Hiraoka),a policy group that objects to Japan using the right to collective self-defense, adopted a set of policies on May 14 and 15 that includes adherence to Article 9 of the Constitution. It warned the party not to press ahead with debate on constitutional revision. (3) Ozawa to hold real power for election strategy in DPJ NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) May 18, 2009 Calling Katsuya Okada at his private residence in Ichigaya, Tokyo, on the evening of May 17, Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama asked him to assume the post of secretary general. He then said, "I will put Mr. Ozawa on" and handed the receiver to Ozawa. At this moment, it was made clear that it was not Secretary General Okada but Acting President for election strategy Ozawa who was in charge of elections, including the next House of Representatives election. When Hatoyama announced the new lineup, Ozawa was next to him, a smile beaming on his face. Okada told reporters: "I will say what should be said in my role, but Mr. Ozawa is in charge of election strategy." Hatoyama also said: "I will naturally get a grip on the reins of the party, but I will ask Mr. Ozawa to be responsible for matters related to elections." The Hatoyama-Ozawa leadership was set in motion, in effect. Lawmakers close to Okada were concerned about how Ozawa would be treated in the new leadership. If Ozawa takes charge of election strategy, he will be responsible for managing election funds and candidate endorsements, resulting in weakening the substantial power of the president and the secretary general. A member of the Okada group disclosed this inside story: "'Appointing Okada as secretary general' was a phrase in the presidential race to attract junior and mid-ranking party members (who are supportive of Okada)." It was Okada who reiterated the importance of party unity in the presidential election campaign. Some observers take the view that if he declined Hatoyama's offer for the post of secretary general, the picture of confrontation between pro-Ozawa and anti-Ozawa members would be underlined and that criticism would eventually be directed at him. A senior House of Councillors member who supports Ozawa said: "Since the new leadership will just last until the next Lower House election, we do not mind whoever becomes secretary general." TOKYO 00001120 004 OF 009 In order for Hatoyama to secure party unity, it was imperative to give a key post to Ozawa and appoint Okada as secretary general. He could not ignore relations with the Social Democratic Party, the People's New Party (PNP) and other opposition parties. Given that Ozawa established cooperative relations with the other two parties on elections strategies, the role of overseeing elections went to him. Hatoyama attended a general meeting of Zentoku (the national association of postmasters),which supports the PNP, in Chiba after noon of May 17, in which he asked the participants for their support in the next general election: "If we assume political power, we will implement our promise without fail of reviewing the privatization of postal services on a priority basis." Some of the party members who distance themselves from Ozawa harbor dissatisfaction (at the favorable treatment of Ozawa). A junior member in the Okada group criticized the appointment of Ozawa as acting president, saying: "I see the limits of the DPJ. ... If I were a Liberal Democratic Party member, I would sharply criticize the appointment. He is like Putin." He cited the name of Putin, who has continued to hold power in Russia even after appointing Dmitry Medvedev as his successor. Seiji Maehara, who resigned as party president to take responsibility for the fake e-mail fiasco, openly applied pressure on Ozawa before the lineup of party executives was unofficially announced, saying: "When I stepped down, newly appointed President Ozawa asked me to become vice president. But I thought it would be improper to assume the post immediately after the resignation." A female party member made this comment just before Hatoyama's DPJ was launched: "A pattern of confrontation between the LDP and anti-LDP might be formed. Uncertainty seems to be looming over party unity." (4) Where is Ozawa and Hatoyama-led DPJ headed? (Part 1): With continued reliance on Ozawa, party hardly regarded as revitalized MAINICHI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) May 17, 2009 It has been over two months since Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Ichiro Ozawa's secretary was arrested. Ozawa announced his decision (on May 12) to step down from the post, as he failed to realize his plan to quell public criticism and turn the tables. The DPJ consequently selected Secretary General Yukio Hatoyama, who "shares the fate of Ozawa," as new president instead of Vice President Katsuya Okada, who is more popular with the public. The gap with public opinion comes from the party's dependence on Ozawa, the election strategist, and a feeling of awe toward him who provides a sense of stability. This series of articles examines the challenges associated with the DPJ that has opted for an Ozawa-Hatoyama leadership which is strongly tinged with an Ozawa policy imprint. The outcome of the DPJ presidential election was announced shortly after 2 p.m. May 16 at the Hotel Okura in Tokyo's Toranomon district. Learning of his victory, Hatoyama stood up to his feet and bowed deeply. He then firmly shook hands with Okada and the two raised their hands in the air on the stage to play up their determination to solidify party unity. Ozawa was not on the stage. TOKYO 00001120 005 OF 009 "It's a huge margin," Ozawa said to himself as the results were announced. Ozawa then said, "Thank you," as he shook hands with Hatoyama who came down from the stage. Ozawa then immediately left the hall. Behind Ozawa's words, an Ozawa aide felt a sense of relief that Okada was not able to catch up with Hatoyama. The DPJ was established 11 years ago as a patchwork party with the aim of bringing about a two-party system. The party has often been criticized for its lack of unity. Ozawa brought stability to the party with elections as the "glue." The DPJ achieved a victory in the Chiba Constituency 7 by-election on April 24, 2006, under Ozawa who assumed the presidency after Seiji Maehara resigned from the post on March 31 for taking responsibly for a fake email scandal. Ozawa maintained his grip on power within the DPJ by achieving victories in critical elections, including the 2007 House of Councillors election. Last September, he secured his third term as DPJ president without a vote. As the Ozawa-led DPJ took root, the party lost its positive qualities, such as open and free policy debate. Some party lawmakers became discontent with Ozawa's approach of sealing off policy debate and monopolizing results of constituency surveys. Backed by lawmakers who were keeping themselves at arm's length with Ozawa, Okada called for a departure from the Ozawa policy course in his campaign speech on May 16, saying: "Our party has the culture the Liberal Democratic Party does not have. We freely discuss matters and respect results. Our party is managed in a transparent fashion. Let us enhance such strengths." Given Ozawa's resignation as DPJ president in the face of public rejection of the DPJ's old LDP-like nature, how to break away from its dependence on Ozawa was supposed to be at issue in the latest party presidential election. Despite that, DPJ lawmakers elected Hatoyama as their president who asked them to embrace Ozawa's thinking. The House of Councillors contributed significantly to Hatoyama's victory. The 2007 Upper House election produced the so-called Koizumi children. The DPJ's Upper House Caucus Chairman Azuma Koshiishi clearly told the press corps that he had voted for Hatoyama, while expressing his hope that Hatoyama would build a united party. Meanwhile, Vice President Seiji Maehara, who had backed Okada, admitted to the press that the Upper House blocked Okada's presidency. The party's endorsement of continued reliance on Ozawa, a far cry from the goal of remaking the DPJ via the presidential election, is likely to linger on as a source of conflict in the party. Immediately after assuming the post, President Hatoyama had a tete-a-tete with Okada to ask him to join the new party leadership in order to enhance party unity. In response, Okada warned against using party posts as rewards for backing Hatoyama during the presidential race. With the next House of Representatives election approaching, Hatoyama failed to achieve the goal of breaking away from the influence of Ozawa, the election strategist. As new DPJ president, Hatoyama now finds himself on the horns of dilemma. "There would always be criticism about Mr. Hatoyama being a puppet of Mr. Ozawa. Would the public regard the DPJ as revitalized?" a mid-level DPJ lawmaker said with a sigh. TOKYO 00001120 006 OF 009 (5) Prime Minister Aso proposes Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry be split in two YOMIYRI (Top Play) (Full) May 16, 2009 Prime Minister Taro Aso revealed on the night of May 15 a plan to split the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry into two ministries: a social security ministry in charge of medical, nursing care, pension and other social security issues, and a ministry for people's lives charged with matters related to employment and the falling birthrate. Aso revealed the plan at the third meeting of the council to realize a secure society, which is a government advisory panel comprising experts. In order to place importance on the daily lives of the people, he intends to realign government ministries and agencies along with a Consumer Affairs Agency, which is scheduled to be launched probably before the end of this year. Aso said in the meeting: "Let's not think that we are simply splitting the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, but let's instead see this as reinforcing a ministry that takes charge of the goal of realizing a society where people can live without anxiety." Aso said he was considering various names for the new ministries, including the "ministry for the daily lives of the people" for one and the "social security ministry" for the other. In his plan, the new social security ministry would take over the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry's responsibility for medical treatment, nursing care, pension and related services; and the new ministry for people's livelihoods would take over the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry's responsibility for employment and administration of nursery schools, as well as some duties of the Cabinet offices such as addressing the nation's declining birthrate and realizing a gender-equal society. Aso said: "We need to work out the details of the proposal, but I believe it's desirable to split the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry in this way." At the meeting, Tsuneo Watanabe, chairman of the board and editor in chief of The Yomiuri Shimbun Holdings, proposed splitting the ministry in two and create a ministry governing employment and pension and another (ministry or agency) taking charge of medical treatment and elderly care. Aso disclosed the plan based on Watanabe's proposal. Referring to the Internal Affairs and Communications Ministry, which was established in 2001 by integrating the Home Affairs Ministry, the Pots and Telecommunications Ministry and the Management and Coordination Agency, Aso said: "The ministry is too big. I believe it would operate more effectively if it is split without increasing the number of officials." If the two ministries are reorganized, the present framework of the government ministries and agencies would change drastically. The present structure was made in 2001. There is a possibility that Aso's realignment plan will be included in the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) manifesto (set of campaign pledges) for the next House of Representatives election. While the public's anxiety has been complicated, there is concern about the evils of the vertically fragmented system of administration because such issues as the declining birthrate and TOKYO 00001120 007 OF 009 aging population, employment and childcare are managed by such ministries as the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry and the Cabinet Office. This is the reason why Aso made the proposal. The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare was established in 2001 by integrating the Health and Welfare Ministry and the Labor Ministry. The ministry is known for its gigantic size, with an allocation of about 25 trillion yen in the general accounting budget for fiscal ¶2009. The ministry is in charge of wide-ranging areas including medical services, pension and labor administration. In recent years, the Social Insurance Agency, an external organ of the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, has undermined public trust over the government's administration on social security after the agency was revealed to have been involved in falsifying pension records. Since then, some in the government have called for a review of the ministry, in which the budget and duties are unevenly distributed. (6) Hatoyama's policy on Futenma to be focus of attention; All eyes on his leadership in opposition united front in next Lower House election RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) May 17, 2009 Shoichiro Yonamine With Yukio Hatoyama's election as the new president of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ),the party's manifesto for the next House of Representatives election is likely to follow the policies of the Ozawa leadership. With regard to Okinawa issues, the focus of attention will be on whether the DPJ will set this as a point of contention with the Liberal Democratic Party-New Komeito administration based on its "Okinawa Vision 2008," which calls for a drastic review of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement and the relocation of the US Forces' Futenma Air Station outside Okinawa or outside Japan. Political situation in Okinawa Hatoyama has visited Okinawa many times for election campaigns, and the DPJ Okinawa chapter has supported him because "he is more deeply involved with Okinawa than Mr. Okada." In his speech given after taking over the DPJ presidency, Hatoyama talked about the "relocation of Futenma outside Okinawa," thus indicating his position on the U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) realignment plans agreed upon by the Japanese and U.S. governments. Meanwhile, with regard to the return of the Futenma base, there is a persistent view in the DPJ that, "Inasmuch as we claim to be a party preparing to take over the administration, we need to come up with a responsible counterproposal on the relocation site." Furthermore, with the agreement on the relocation of U.S. Marines in Okinawa to Guam - premised on the construction of an alternative facility for Futenma in Henoko, Nago City - already approved by the Diet, how serious is the party about pressing for a review of USFJ realignment plans? Its posture in negotiations with the U.S. will be put to the test. Since the Okinawa issues are directly linked to the question of security, which is regarded as the biggest problem for the DPJ, this will be a litmus test for the new president's ability to unite the TOKYO 00001120 008 OF 009 various forces in the party. With regard to the political situation, how Hatoyama steers the opposition united front with the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the People's New Party (PNP) - on which former president Ichiro Ozawa had attached great importance - will affect the outcome of the election in the Okinawa constituencies. The DPJ will endorse the PNP's official candidate in the first district of Okinawa. This is an electoral district that will be watched nationally for the success of election cooperation, since the outcome will provide clues for the plan for a tripartite coalition government by the three opposition parties. The official DPJ and SDP candidates will compete in the third district, and this will cast a shadow on election cooperation in the second and fourth districts. Whether Ozawa, who is very likely to be responsible for campaign strategy under the new Hatoyama leadership, will intervene in this matter is a question of high interest. (7) Hatoyama and Okinawa: Strong interest in military base issues, consistent advocate of base relocation outside Okinawa RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) May 17, 2009 Tokyo Yukio Hatoyama, who was just elected as the new president of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ),has consistently advocated the relocation of the U.S. military bases in Okinawa to outside the prefecture since the 1990s. He has served as the chair of the cross-party group of opposition Diet members, the Diet members' panel on Okinawa and U.S. military base issues, since it was founded in 2005 and has been involved with Okinawa base issues for many years. When campaigning for Masahide Ota's bid to become Okinawa governor in November 1998, Hatoyama said in his speech that, "All politicians should think more seriously about whether there is a suitable relocation site in his own constituency. This is not a problem that can be resolved if everybody abhors the idea of having (a U.S. military base) moved into his district." He asserted that U.S. military base issues should be regarded as a national problem. At a Lower House plenary session in 2005, Hatoyama challenged then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi to "demand the return of the Futenma base without requiring a replacement facility from the U.S." He has also advocated the need to revise the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) on various occasions and has shown his support for reducing the burden on Okinawa imposed by the high concentration of bases. Regarding economic development, Hatoyama mentioned Okinawa's potential for developing industries based on its geographical advantage at an interview with Ryukyu Shimpo in 2006. "The idea of a 'one country, two systems' scheme specific to Okinawa is an option." (8) Japan to provide PKO education to AU as joint effort with UN MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) May 16, 2009 TOKYO 00001120 009 OF 009 Hiroaki Wada, Cairo The UN, the African Union (AU),and Japan will jointly hold a training session in Cairo for senior AU officials who are in charge of peacekeeping operations (PKO),starting on May 24. The training is in response to a request by the AU, which wants to boost its capability to deal with conflicts and civil wars. This is the first time for Japan to conduct such training jointly with the UN and the AU. According to a related source, the training will be held for about two weeks at the Cairo Regional Center for Training on Conflict Resolution & Peacekeeping in Africa (CCCPA) of the Egyptian government. Hosei University Professor Sukehiro Hasegawa, former special representative of the Secretary General of the UN in Timor-Leste and head of the UN mission of support in East Timor (UNMISET) and Ground Self-Defense Force (GSDF) Major General Muneo Sakakieda, who has broad experience in PKO planning, will participate as trainers from Japan. About career track 25 officers in the Africa Standby Force, which the AU aims to streamline by 2010, will receive the training. Participants will carry out PKO training exercises according to their assigned roles. Trainers will instruct them based on their actual experiences. Portions of the costs of the training will be financed from the 3 million dollars that Japan has disbursed to the CCCPA through the UN Development Program (UNDP). The conflict in the Darfur region of western Sudan, where 200,000 people have presumably died, and the Somali civil war are continuing in Africa. UN PKO troops cannot handle all of the required operations. The AU aims to boost its capability to settle disputes. However, there are many challenges to these efforts, including how to improve training and unify the chain of command. In recent years, Japan has assisted Africa in strengthening its peacekeeping capabilities. Japan extended financial assistance to the PKO training centers in five African countries last year, and also dispatched two Self-Defense Forces officers to Egypt as trainers. ZUMWALT