UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 STATE 043054

SENSITIVE
SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PREL KWBG AL EU RU IS
SUBJECT: U.S. MESSAGES ON MIDDLE EAST PEACE

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SUMMARY
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1. (SBU) The U.S. remains committed to comprehensive peace in
the Middle East, including the two-state solution, and to an
end to the Arab-Israeli conflict as soon as possible. To
this end, Special Envoy for Middle East Peace George Mitchell
recently completed a 9-day trip to the Middle East and Europe
to advance our efforts. Below are points that Posts can use
in discussions with host governments on the U.S. approach to
Middle East peace. End summary.

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BACKGROUND
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2. (SBU) From April 13 to April 22, Special Envoy for Middle
East Peace George Mitchell visited 11 Arab states, Israel,
the West Bank, and Europe to advance the U.S. commitment to
comprehensive peace in the Middle East, including the
two-state solution. S/E Mitchell visited Rabat, Algiers,
Tunis, Jerusalem, Ramallah, Cairo, Abu Dhabi, Riyadh, Muscat,
Doha, Kuwait City, and Bahrain. He briefed the EU Political
and Security Committee in Brussels on April 22.


3. (SBU) The focus of the trip was to create the context for
negotiations toward an early resolution of the Arab-Israeli
conflict. The trip concentrated on three goals: 1) Begin a
substantive dialogue with the new Israeli government, 2) Hold
discussions with Israeli, Palestinian, and Arab leaders to
encourage them to promptly take concrete steps to improve the
environment for negotiations, and 3) Ensure full regional
participation in our approach, in part by energizing the Arab
Peace Initiative. Since his appointment in late January,
Special Envoy Mitchell has met with 13 Arab and Muslim heads
of state, in addition to his consistent engagement with
Israel and European allies.

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Talking Points
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4. (SBU) Post can draw on the following points when engaging
with host governments on Middle East peace:

--Comprehensive peace, including the two-state solution, is
our objective, and we will pursue it vigorously in the coming
months. The President is personally committed to these goals
and continues to exert direct leadership on this issue.

--As the President stated during his recent visit to Ankara,
the parties have also committed to these goals in the Roadmap
and at Annapolis.

--We are not inter

ested in a lengthy, drawn-out process but
in results. Our focus is not on the structure of
negotiations but on ensuring that they yield these results as
soon as possible.

--Our immediate objective is to work with our Israeli and
Arab partners, and our allies throughout the international
community, to create the conditions for a peaceful resolution
of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the establishment of an
independent and viable Palestinian state and to reverse the
pervasive skepticism and lack of trust in the region. This
effort is also designed to prevent a new outbreak of violence
that could significantly set-back our efforts and further
destabilize the region.

--During his recent visit to Israel, Special Envoy met with
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for over two hours
and discussed all of the relevant issues. The new Israeli
government is undergoing a policy review, and the Prime
Minister is likely to visit Washington in mid- to late May to
discuss next steps with the President, the Secretary, and
Special Envoy Mitchell. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas
will visit Washington shortly thereafter.

--These visits follow King Abdullah of Jordan's recent

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meeting with the President in Washington. They had a very
productive discussion on many issues connected to Middle East
peace, including settlements, Jerusalem, rocket fire from
Gaza, and strengthening the Palestinian Authority and its
institutions. We welcome King Abdullah's remarks following
his meeting with the President in which he stated that
America alone cannot achieve peace and so a group of
countries, including Jordan, will do all it can to support
the President.

--It is critical that Arab states consider actions that they
can take, in the context of significant Israeli steps, to
progress toward normalization with Israel.

--The U.S. approach to Middle East peace is linked to our
efforts on Iran. Iran exploits regional conflicts--in the
West Bank and Gaza, in Lebanon, and elsewhere--to extend its
influence. Resolution of these conflicts will be a
significant part of dealing with Iran, and the two-state
solution is in the national interests of the United States,
of Israel, and of our Arab allies. To this end, the Arab
Peace Initiative will be integrated into our approach for
comprehensive peace.

--While we move to create the conditions for meaningful
negotiations, we must maintain support for those Palestinians
who are committed to pursuing peace. It is imperative that
President Abbas, Prime Minister Fayyad, and the Palestinian
Authority are able to demonstrate that negotiations--rather
than terrorism and armed resistance--are the means toward an
independent and viable Palestinian state. Like any
politician, President Abbas must be able to deliver benefits
for his people, and it is in the interests of the U.S.,
Israel, and the international community to support him in
this effort.

--Arab governments bear a special responsibility in this
regard. Contrary to some assertions, the PA is improving the
lives of ordinary people throughout the West Bank and Gaza
with non-partisan, transparent programs. The World Bank and
the IMF have endorsed the PA's budgetary and financial
controls and account for its responsible use of budgetary
assistance from donors, which totaled USD 1.7 billion in 2008
alone.

--While many Arab states believe that Palestinian
reconciliation is critical prior to Palestinian elections,
reconciliation on the terms on which Hamas insists would
fatally undermine President Abbas and the PA and alienate
Israel. It will be impossible to conclude a peace agreement
if one party enters the door just as another leaves the room.

--The Quartet principles--renunciation of violence,
recognition of Israel, and respect for previous agreements
and understandings--are the essential building blocks of a
Palestinian state, and Hamas' continued rejection of these
principles only delays the realization of Palestinians'
legitimate aspirations to control their own destiny.


5. (U) For additional information, please contact Payton
Knopf in NEA/IPA.


6. (U) Tripoli minimize considered.
CLINTON