BULGARIA'S PARLIAMENT: FUMBLING AT THE FINISH LINE

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 SOFIA 000177

SIPDIS

EUR/CE - ERIC GAUDIOSI

E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/10/2019
TAGS: PGOV BU
SUBJECT: BULGARIA'S PARLIAMENT: FUMBLING AT THE FINISH LINE

Classified By: Charge Alex Karagiannis for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d).


1. (C) Summary: With less than 20 working days left
before June 7 European Parliamentary and expected national
elections in early July),Bulgarian MPs are scrambling to
clear a pile of long-stalled legislation. A scrum has
developed over the key law regulating national elections,
which has delayed announcement of the election date. The
President and Prime Minister and parties are each
maneuvering for position to protect their interests; their
loyalists and the other parties are throwing some elbows as
they fight for traction. Political maneuvering is also
holding up, watering down, or shelving other important
legislation, including defense and judicial sector reform
and anti-corruption measures. As the political atmosphere
gets hotter in parliament's last weeks and MP's focus on
electoral survival, the horse-trading, log-rolling, and
hostage-taking on legislation bills will get more intense,
with a predictable impact on their quality. End Summary.


2. (C) For several months, Parliament has thrashed around
to pass a new election law to govern parliamentary voting.
Originally intended to be submitted in October 2008, the
government now hopes to pass a bill before Orthodox Easter
(April 19). A contentious debate within the ruling
Socialist party has held up progress as President Parvanov
and PM Stanishev have staked on opposing stands. Parvanov
has pushed to change Bulgaria's proportional parliamentary
system to a "mixed" system in which 31 of the 240 seats are
voted on a majority basis. This would raise his profile as
a player in post-election coalition negotiations and within
the Socialist party at Stanishev's expense. (He has even
threatened to hold a referendum on the issue if Parliament
does not approve it, provoking a rejoinder by the PM).
Simultaneously, the parties have fought over whether to
increase the threshold for individual parties and (a higher
percentage) for coalitions, which would effectively hurt
the weak and divided traditional center right parties. An
emergency session has been set for Monday, April 13 to
resolve the matter. Parvanov has set July 5 as his
preferred election date, but this is not yet resolved.
June 7 has been set for the European Parliamentary
elections, under a different set of elections rules.
Though not a clear barometer for national elections, a poor
showing in June bodes ill for a fast turnaround.


3. (C) Meanwhile, Parliament has passed watered down
legislation that increased fines and jail terms for vote
buying and required parties to put labels on campaign
material warning that vote buying is a crime. But the
Socialists and junior coalition partner MRF blocked more
serious measures -- party financing transparency, regional
vote counting centers (to reduce possibilities to
manipulate the actual vote count) and a specialized
oversight body to inspect campaign expenditures. Overall,
some positive steps but well short of a clear score.


4. (C) With attention swirling on electoral laws, other
major bills have foundered, been delayed or been outright
fumbled.

-- Defense and Armed Forces Act: It aims at sweeping
military reform, including mandatory retirement ages
(removing old-guard generals) and integration of the MOD
and General Staff. The bill's huge size (360 articles,
only about 60 reviewed so far) and more Presidential-PM
arms wrestling have slowed the process. It's a race
against time; if it passes, it will be an ill-considered
rushed job.

-- Judicial Systems Act: in plenary for final review. A
tough floor fight is expected over competencies to conduct
investigations between the police and investigating
magistrates, who are part of the judiciary.

-- Conflict of Interest Act: Went into force on March 31,
but the deadline for the MPs to submit a declaration of
compliance was extended to June 30, after parliament
closes, effectively exempting the current MPs. The Act?s
language is broad and subject to wide interpretation.
Overall, basically positive, but undermined by delay.

-- Money Laundering Act: In force since March 27, cosmetic
changes only, no practical effect.

-- Public Procurement Act: In force since April 3. The
Public Procurement Agency was intended to review public
tenders to provide dual control along with the ministries.
But in negotiations the Agency's scope was limited to only
very large contracts (lack of Procurement Agency capacity
was cited as the main reason). The law has limited

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effectiveness over what it does cover, and does not go
nearly far enough.

-- Electronic Communications Law/IPR: very technical
provisions on data and personal privacy. It has been
repeatedly rejected in first readings as the Interior
Ministry fails to push changes that allow Internet
surveillance. Heated debates continue. The internet
provisions are of keen interest to US business over IPR
internet piracy.

-- Asset Forfeiture Act: Rejected in first reading, it
will be shelved until the next parliament. A lost chance
to add capacity to law enforcement to break criminal
enterprises.


5. (C) Comment: In its last days, Parliament is churning
out watered-down, sloppy and politically expedient
legislation. After achieving some genuinely landmark
legislation in its prior four years, the parliament is,
sadly, ending in political theater where drama and farce
compete for attention.

Karagiannis