TIANANMEN ANNIVERSARY: SHANGHAI FOCUSED ON ECONOMICS, NOT

C O N F I D E N T I A L SHANGHAI 000245 STATE FOR EAP/CM, INR AND DRL NSC FOR LOI, KUCHTA-HELBLING E.O. 12958: DECL: 6/1/2034 TAGS: PGOV PHUM ECON ELAB SOCI ASEC CH SUBJECT: TIANANMEN ANNIVERSARY: SHANGHAI FOCUSED ON ECONOMICS, NOT POLITICS REF: BEIJING 1390 CLASSIFIED BY: CHRISTOPHER BEEDE, POL/ECON CHIEF, U.S. CONSULATE SHANGHAI, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. REASON: 1.4 (b),(d) Summary -------------- ¶1. (C) A wide range of Shanghai-based contacts said they expect the upcoming 20th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre to pass with little fanfare in the city, as current concerns about China's economic downturn outweigh political considerations. Given the focus in Shanghai on the economic situation, many observers said they are more concerned about the worsening economy's impact on social stability during the second half of the year, which may coincide with the 60th anniversary of the establishment of the People's Republic of China on October 1. Looking ahead to June 4, political observers stated that even if students or activists planned to commemorate the anniversary, Shanghai security forces would prevent any protests. Contacts in Shanghai -- although considered to be residents of one of China's most economically open and vibrant cities -- said they have little interest in "western style democracy," and many students say that have no knowledge of the 1989 democracy movement. End Summary. June 4 Still a Big Deal in Shanghai... -------------- ¶2. (C) To many academics and reform-minded political contacts in Shanghai, the June 4 massacre on Tiananmen Square remains a significant event in China's history, and they see the 20th anniversary of the 1989 crackdown as a "big deal." Pan Rui, a professor at the Fudan University Center for American Studies who previously taught at Harvard and the University of Maryland, summed up Shanghai academics' view of June 4, stating that sensitive political anniversaries generally "are not as big a deal to people as to government," but in the case of June 4, "it definitely is a big deal." Pan added that Shanghai academics "strongly disagree" with the government's approach to June 4 that blocks information about the event and prevents public commemorations of the anniversary, stating that there should be opportunities for "free expression" to remember the tragic events. ¶3. (C) Bao Jian, a Shanghai-based reporter for the People's Daily, told PolOff on April 16 that she has experienced first-hand the tight control the government wields over information related to the June 4 anniversary. Bao, an open-minded and well-traveled writer, is contributing to a series of articles about China's political anniversaries in 2009, but she characterized 2009 as a "rough year to be a journalist," acknowledging that she and her colleagues have little say in the final product of their articles. Zhou Meiyan, a researcher at the Shanghai Municipal People's Congress (SMPC), added that the lack of public discussion about the June 4 anniversary is unfortunate, as people in Shanghai "feel deeply" about Tiananmen. Shanghainese are not apathetic about politics, she said, but they are "too controlled." Highlighting a theme heard in nearly all of our discussions, however, Zhou lamented that university students in Shanghai do not know very much about Tiananmen, and they are much more concerned about finding jobs than they are about political reform. ...But Concerns About Economic Downturn Are Paramount -------------- -------------- ¶4. (C) Shanghai's identity is an economic one -- the city's leaders and people see Shanghai as China's commercial and financial hub, and the municipality is a poster child for Deng Xiaoping's reform and opening policy. In recent months, Shanghai's economic situation has become a greater concern, particularly after the late April announcement that Shanghai's exports fell by 27 percent year-on-year in the first quarter of 2009, and GDP growth slowed to 3.1 percent year-on-year during the same period. For Shanghai, which takes pride in double digit GDP growth that lasted for 16 consecutive years until dipping below 10 percent in 2008, the economic slowdown has taken center stage in policy discussions. Local government organizations have shifted their focus to the economic situation regardless of whether commercial issues are normally in their purview. For example, Wang Junwei, Director of the Foreign Affairs Office at the Shanghai Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC),told PolOff on April 29 that the Shanghai CPPCC -- normally considered to be a forum for discussion on political and social issues -- recently has focused much of its attention on the economic downturn, particularly after the Q1 figures were released. ¶5. (C) Fudan University's Pan Rui observed that from Shanghai's perspective, the timing of the global financial crisis for the moment helps diminish the public's attention on the June 4 anniversary, as many Shanghainese currently are more concerned with keeping or finding a job than they are about politics. If the economic downturn were to continue into the latter part of the year, however, Shanghai's economic situation might become more of a political problem, Pan said. Xu Genxing, an economics professor at the Shanghai Municipal Communist Party School, said on April 28 that he remains concerned about the possibility that political events could spark a backlash from those frustrated by the economic downturn, but he does not think the Tiananmen anniversary will cause such a reaction in Shanghai. An Economic and Political Nexus in October? -------------- ¶6. (C) Many Shanghai commentators, including Pan and Xu, added, however, that they are concerned about the worsening economy's impact on social stability during the second half of the year, which may coincide with the 60th anniversary of the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC) on October ¶1. By October, the economic downturn in the Yangtze River Delta (YRD) will have worsened, and it is not clear how unemployed students and migrant workers will react at that time to the Central Government's National Day celebrations, Xu said. Dong Baohua, a labor expert at the East China University of Political Science and Law, said in March that he also did not foresee any disturbances to social order during the Tiananmen anniversary; however, he remains concerned that October 1 could be a political flashpoint in East China because migrant workers, who lost jobs during the downturn, will have depleted their savings by October if they are still unemployed. Zhou Meiyan from the SMPC agreed with Dong, stating that thousands of university graduates also will not have found jobs by that time. Security Forces Prepared to Prevent Protests -------------- ¶7. (C) Looking ahead to June 4, political observers stated that even if students or activists planned to commemorate the Tiananmen anniversary, Shanghai security forces would prevent any protests. Mao Hengfeng, a local activist who was released from prison earlier this year, told PolOff that the Shanghai dissident community sees the 20th anniversary of the June 4 crackdown as a significant event, but there likely will be no public commemoration, as Shanghai police are prepared to suppress demonstrations before they start. Mao predicted that security forces will "tightly control" the city until mid-June. Wang Xiaoyu, a professor at Tongji University and a signatory of the 08 Charter, agreed with Mao's assessment, telling PolOff on March 10 that the anniversary "remains important" to Shanghai-based dissidents but security forces are "prepared to put down protests." ¶8. (C) Fudan's Pan Rui and Zhou Meiyan at the SMPC characterized security in Shanghai around the June 4 anniversary as "tightened" and "on alert." Both specifically identified People's Square (Renmin Guangchang) -- an area that includes official municipal government buildings, including City Hall -- as the primary area of concern for security forces. Pan said he believes some Shanghai residents would go to public squares or parks to commemorate the 20th anniversary of Tiananmen if it were not for security forces. Zhou angrily criticized the government's efforts to "lock down" the city to prevent protests. Tiananmen's Legacy in Shanghai: Democracy's Future? -------------- -------------- ¶9. (C) Contacts in Shanghai -- although considered to be residents of one of China's most economically open and vibrant cities -- said they have little interest in "western style democracy," and many students say that have no knowledge of the 1989 democracy movement. Others added that while they would like the Central Government to offer a full accounting of what occurred on June 4, they do not expect a public discussion on the Tiananmen crackdown for many years. Zhao Weizhong, Deputy Director of the Legislative Affairs Office of Shanghai Municipal People's Government, told PolOff on April 2 that Tiananmen's legacy in Shanghai is that there are many ways to ascertain public opinion other than democracy, and he does not think China will become more democratic in the next 20 years. Social stability remains the leadership's priority, and prospects for democratic advances in the near-term are limited, said Fudan University Center for American Studies Director Shen Dingli. The U.S. Government's only option to engage China on sensitive political issues such as the 20th anniversary of Tiananmen is to recognize the Chinese Government's "lack of courage" and "accept China's behavior" with the hope that an open-minded approach will "facilitate China's internal debate and advance political reform," Shen said on May 14. ¶10. (C) Shen further asserted that the Central Government believes acknowledging the Tiananmen anniversary would be a "sign of weakness." The Central Government is only now ready to question some aspects of the Cultural Revolution; it is not prepared to allow people to question what transpired at Tiananmen in 1989, he added. Shen stated that he hopes the Central Government will realize that "when you don't apologize, and you don't allow people to remember, you lack a long-range vision." Ren Zhihong, a 30-year-old Major in the People's Liberation Army (PLA) who grew up in Tunxi, Anhui Province, however, indicated during a discussion in Shanghai on May 14 that a public acknowledgement of the anniversary is not coming anytime soon. The PLA is not prepared to admit that it made any mistakes on June 4, and Ren said he holds a condemnatory view towards "hooligans" who, he claimed, "burned and dismembered my brothers-in-arms." At the same time, views within the PLA on Tiananmen show signs of moderating, Ren said, as the June 4 crackdown is no longer "too sensitive" for internal discussion between PLA officers. Ren believes many younger officers might have a more "open" view than the older generation, adding that he has some sympathy for the students who were killed on June 4. ¶11. (C) In Shanghai, while government officials, academics, and military officers debate June 4's legacy, most university students still have no understanding of the 1989 democracy movement. Zoe Wei, a university student organizer in Shanghai, said in late April that most students know 2009 is an important year for political anniversaries, but they do not know the details. They have little opportunity to learn about Tiananmen because university internets and intranets are strictly monitored, she said, and Shanghai students understand that any politically sensitive articles will be deleted immediately. Shen Dingli at Fudan University said he hopes the Central Government will loosen its internet controls, including for information about Tiananmen, but "it will take a long time." Other university students we spoke to indicated they have no knowledge of the Tiananmen democracy movement, and in Shanghai, they feel far removed from the events of 1989, no longer seen as the "recent past" but as "history" that does not apply to them. Undergraduate professors have pointed out to PolOffs that even those students who are aware of what happened on June 4 have little interest in the event because they are focused only on finding jobs and their own economic futures. Comment: Shanghai's Economic Focus -------------- ¶12. (C) As summer approaches, and university students graduate, business rolls along, and migrants search for work, there appears to be little attention paid in Shanghai to the 20th anniversary of the June 4 crackdown. The city has its own story to tell of events in the summer of 1989, including students who were killed or imprisoned for their roles at Tiananmen Square and major civil disruptions in Shanghai itself, but there is no public acknowledgement of what transpired, and few people seem to care. Shanghai government officials, residents, and students are especially focused on the city's economic situation, particularly in the midst of a downturn. Shanghai's apathy towards June 4 contrasts with the anniversary's impact in Beijing (reftel),but political watchers in Shanghai cite "regional differences" for the divergent Shanghai view. Zhu Xueqin, an intellectual, professor, and Dean of the Institute of Peace Studies at Shanghai University, summed up Shanghai's perspective on the June 4 anniversary during a meeting with PolOff in mid-March, stating with great disappointment that people in Beijing may care about the 20th anniversary of Tiananmen, but in Shanghai, "people only care about economics, society, coffee, and beer." The few dissidents and intellectuals in Shanghai who do still care about Tiananmen find themselves without a voice, both drowned out by the city's single-minded focus on economic and commercial developments and suppressed by a local security apparatus that continues to monitor and/or detain those who are inclined to speak out. SCHUCHAT