Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
09NOUAKCHOTT358
2009-05-28 15:29:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Nouakchott
Cable title:  

PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE SGHAIR OULD M'BARECK: "I

Tags:  PGOV PREL KDEM PINR MR 
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C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 NOUAKCHOTT 000358 

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/28/2019
TAGS: PGOV PREL KDEM PINR MR
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE SGHAIR OULD M'BARECK: "I
WILL STRENGTHEN DEMOCRACY"

REF: 03 NOUAKCHOTT 489

Classified By: Ambassador Mark M. Boulware for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d).

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 NOUAKCHOTT 000358 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/28/2019 TAGS: PGOV PREL KDEM PINR MR SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE SGHAIR OULD M'BARECK: "I WILL STRENGTHEN DEMOCRACY" REF: 03 NOUAKCHOTT 489 Classified By: Ambassador Mark M. Boulware for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d). ¶1. (C) Summary: Sghair Ould M'Bareck is a Haratine (Black Moor) with extensive experience in Mauritanian government, and says he will strengthen democracy in Mauritania if elected. He accused the United States of encouraging a "radical" opposition, and maintains the June 6 elections are the solution to the crisis. Although he makes several insightful analyses of the Mauritanian political scene, his real motives must be called into question, given his admitted financing by Aziz supporters and participation in unilaterally-imposed elections. End summary. ¶2. (C) PolAsst met with presidential candidate Sghair Ould M'Bareck May 21. M'Bareck, a Haratine (Black Moor),entered the race at the last minute, ensuring that all major social groups (White Moor, Black Moor, and Afro-Mauritanian) were represented. Born in the far eastern town of Nema in 1954, M'Bareck has a long history of government service. He served in various ministerial posts throughout the 1990s, culminating in his appointment as Prime Minister by President Taya in 2003 (Ref A). M'Bareck was the first Haratine to ever hold such a high position in Mauritania. ¶3. (C) Arriving at M'Bareck's campaign headquarters, PolAsst observed a chaotic scene, with people crammed into the spacious villa, yelling and demanding to see M'Bareck (he later stated most of them were there to "ask for money"). Professionally printed posters with his image and slogans such as "For the Mauritania of tomorrow" adorned the walls and exterior of the compound, while loudspeakers blared music and extolled the virtues of M'Bareck. In a quiet, spacious, and well-furnished office, M'Bareck sat in a luxurious chair, while a large poster of his image hung behind him on the wall. ¶4. (C) The past: M'Bareck, like many Mauritanian politicians, insisted on providing his version of history leading up to the present crisis. President Abdallahi had "seemed to be the best man at the time" in the 2007 elections, because he was moderate, an experienced economist, and far removed from the political scene on account of his many years spent living abroad. However, Abdallahi had mismanaged his relations with parliamentarians, M'Bareck maintained, and continued to provide other well
-worn examples of Abdallahi's supposed "mismanagement" that led to the present crisis. ¶5. (C) The present: M'Bareck labeled the FNDD as "extreme" in calling for the return of President Abdallahi. As for Ahmed Ould Daddah and the RFD, he deemed their opposition to the coup "very curious," given their initial full support for Aziz and his coup. As for M'Bareck himself, he said he was completely neutral: "I am neither for Sidi (President Abdallahi),nor the military." However, he said he had participated in the junta-organized National Dialogue on Democracy ("I never missed a session") and maintained that "presidential elections were the solution to the crisis." Stating that he would not have participated in biased elections, he implied that he regarded the current elections as fair. Furthermore, he was against any delay in elections, because the "opposition was not serious" about negotiations. He thought it "bizarre" however, that the Senegalese mediators in town had not consulted any of the presidential candidates as to their thoughts on a possible election delay. (Note: Ironically, M'Bareck and the other two candidates Ibrahima Sarr and Hamidou Baba Kane were summoned by Senegalese Foreign Minister Gadio a few hours after this meeting to discuss the election. End note.) ¶6. (C) His candidacy: As for why he entered the race, M'Bareck declared "I couldn't remain a spectator" as Mauritania muddled through its political crisis. He said Mauritania could not afford to "remain hostage" to the NOUAKCHOTT 00000358 002 OF 002 opposition, and he wanted to contribute towards a solution. Stating that democracy in Mauritania was an evolutionary process that would take time, he condemned the political parties, which "only served the aspirations of their leaders." Therefore, he was running as an independent candidate, free from any political bloc. If elected president, M'Bareck said the first thing he would do is "strengthen democracy in Mauritania." Otherwise there would be more instability leading to coup after coup. He would open his government to all political blocs and work against the exercising of personal power and "cults of personality." Railing against the dizzying array of political parties in Mauritania, he questioned why a country of only 3 million people needed more than 70 political parties. He proposed grouping the political class into three main "currents": left, right, and center. Any two currents could unite to form a ruling coalition. Such a system would stabilize democratic institutions, he maintained. He mentioned almost as an afterthought national unity, anti-slavery efforts, and securing Mauritania against terrorism as other facets of his campaign. ¶7. (C) Campaign financing: Asked directly about rumors that he had received campaign financing from the junta, M'Bareck was blunt. "My expenses for the campaign have been enormous." He said he had solicited "a dozen or so" businessmen for support, because "this is how it works in Mauritania." He rattled off the names of several businessmen (including prominent Aziz financiers Mohamed Hmayenne Bouamatou and Azizi Ould El Mamay, both members of Aziz's tribe). As an example, he stated that El Mamay had given him 5 million ouguiyas (approximately $18,500 US) for his campaign. He maintained that if he had only sought financial assistance from one person, that would be an issue, but because he had asked several people for assistance, there was no conflict of interest. "It's not like I went to the Iranians for money," he declared. ¶8. (C) The U.S. role: M'Bareck had much to say about the United States. He asserted that the U.S. had a great responsibility to work towards "reducing the intransigence of the radical opposition." He argued that the U.S. had aggravated the crisis by encouraging the opposition to maintain an "unrealistic" position. The return of President Abdallahi was not a solution to the crisis -- Mauritania faced real challenges such as drug trafficking and terrorism, and needed to resolve the crisis now. The United States had an important role to play in that resolution, but maintaining alliances with "Marxists and Islamists" (i.e., Mohamed Ould Maouloud's UFP party and Jemil Ould Mansour's Tawassoul party) did not help. ¶9. (C) Comment: M'Bareck is an intelligent, well-spoken man with a great deal of experience in politics and government. Many of the points he makes, such as the absurdity of having 70-odd parties in Mauritania, are incisive. However, his admitted financing by Aziz supporters and candidacy in unilaterally-imposed elections calls into question his motives and stated desire to put Mauritania on the correct democratic track. Since losing his Prime Minister post after the overthrow of Taya in 2005, M'Bareck has been "parked" in a ceremonial governmental position ("Ombudsman of the Republic") that has no power. M'Bareck may view standing as a candidate as his way to get back in the government's good graces and reclaim some of his lost prestige and power. End comment. BOULWARE

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