UNITED RUSSIA UNVEILS "RUSSIAN CONSERVATISM,"

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 MOSCOW 002882 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/25/2019 TAGS: PREL PGOV PMAR PHUM PINR ECON EFIN RS SUBJECT: UNITED RUSSIA UNVEILS "RUSSIAN CONSERVATISM," TANDEM PLAYS PUBLIC ROLES WELL REF: A. MOSCOW 2841 ¶B. MOSCOW 2782 ¶C. MOSCOW 2781 ¶D. MOSCOW 2779 Classified By: DCM Eric Rubin; reasons 1.4(b/d). ¶1. (C) Summary: United Russia's national and regional leaders met in St. Petersburg November 20-21 for their annual review of party business. The highlights of the congress were the November 21 addresses by President Medvedev and Prime Minister Putin. Medvedev praised United Russia for acting quickly upon the initiatives he put forward in 2008, while charging the party to commit to open debates with opposition parties. He emphasized that United Russia should use its influence as the "governing" party not to ensconce itself in power but to serve citizens. Putin's address was all meat and potatoes, showcasing his United Russia-led government's success in combating the economic crisis and the steps it would take to improve citizens' quality-of-life. He made only a passing reference to Medvedev's call for modernization, noting instead the huge sums his government had already devoted to high-tech development throughout the country. Gryzlov's unveiling of the party's new ideology - "Russian conservatism" - was more a justification for the phrase in the context of Medvedev's modernization theme than an explanation of what it means for the party. Medvedev and Putin were at ease with one another throughout the congress, with Medvedev nodding approvingly when Putin and Gryzlov were speaking. End Summary. Warm-Up Act: Medvedev Praises, Chastises -------------- ¶2. (C) President Medvedev delivered a succinct assessment of United Russia's record of governance November 21 to its party leaders and foreign political and diplomatic guests. After lauding the party's role in guiding Russia through the worst of the economic crisis, he turned to the modernization themes outlined in his annual address to the nation (Refs B and C). He called for an economic "reset" in which corruption would give way to a restructured, competitive economy exporting Russian high-tech products to the world. ¶3. (C) More significant was Medvedev's admonition to the party not to stagnate, but to embrace debate, democracy and change in order to serve Russia's citizens. He called for United Russia to forego use of the extensive administrative resources at its disposal and not to fear candid discussion with (Kremlin-sanctioned) opposition parties. United Russia officials in the regions especially, he said, should "seek victory in the open battle of ideas." Being the party in power brings with it responsibilities to be an instrument to help citizens meet life's challenges, including modernization, the President concluded. Putin Takes Credit for Success, Ladles Out More Money -------------- -------------- ¶4. (C) During his speech Putin made it clear that the party's duty was to fulfill government objectives, the most important being to help Russians weather the economic crisis. The hall burst into the first of many ovations when he reminded the audience that at the 2008 party congress he had taken personal responsibility for this task, and with the help of United Russia, had succeeded in preserving citizens' savings, stabilizing the ruble, and meeting all obligations to those dependent on government assistance. On his (and United Russia's) watch, the tragedy of the 1991 and 1998 economic crises would never be repeated, he stated to resounding applause. Of course other parties also want what is best for the country, he conceded, but only United Russia has been able to deliver. ¶5. (C) Making the dubious connection between the policies implemented under United Russia's (and his) stewardship of all levels of government, Putin gave a passing nod to the modernization program outlined by Medvedev in his poslaniye (Ref A). Yet, he then enumerated the kind of high-tech investment in educational, health and research facilities and in infrastructure development "not just in Moscow and St. Petersburg, but throughout the country" that he had overseen as Prime Minister. Putin argued that over a year ago the crisis had already put an end to the idea that Russia could rely on energy and raw materials exports, and that he was already implementing the new path he and the party had MOSCOW 00002882 002 OF 003 charted. The message was clear: the Putin-led, United Russia managed government is already engaged in concrete steps to move Russia forward, notwithstanding any new ideas or proposals about modernization. ¶6. (C) Putin outlined a series of steps his government would take to boost domestic industry while also benefiting consumers. Having outlined the problems of "monogorods" (single-industry towns) and of the automobile industry, he promised a government subsidy of 50,000 rubles to each Russian trading in a vehicle 10 years or older to purchase a new car, of foreign or domestic make, as long as it is produced in Russia. He described the problems in the construction sector and the lack of affordable housing and promised to quadruple government support as a way to lower mortgage interest rates, to stimulate building and to give young families the opportunity to own homes. He pledged to increase pensions by 46 percent in 2010, and he pledged additional funding to the military. The buzz in the hall among delegates, among journalists and average Russians with whom we spoke was mainly about these bread and butter proposals. Gryzlov: Conservatism, Solid Leaders; Populist Opposition -------------- -------------- ¶7. (C) Boris Gryzlov, Duma Speaker and Chairman of the party's executive committee, reprised his 2008 role as party heavy. He lauded the party's success and criticized the U.S. for the dominant role its financial rating agencies play in the world which adversely affects Russian companies. He also complained that global financial markets do not include the ruble in an international basket of reserve currencies. When he said United Russia would engage in debates with the opposition in spite of it being "weak and immature," Putin turned to Medvedev and extended his hand to him (interpreted as congratulations that the party had adopted one of the president's suggestions); a beaming Medvedev shook it enthusiastically as the hall erupted in applause. Gryzlov capped his presentation by officially unveiling the party's new ideology - "Russian conservatism." The philosophy's basic principles and argument for its compatibility with "modernization" are that the party will "create the new (to meet modern challenges) while preserving the best (of the past)." ¶8. (C) Independent sociologist (and now United Russia strategist) Olga Kryshtanovskaya told us immediately after the speeches that she was satisfied with how Gryzlov had presented the new ideology, which both she and Deputy Chief of the Presidential Administration Vladislav Surkov had helped craft (Ref D). She was particularly pleased with how Gryzlov had balanced modernization and "conservatism." Effective Politcs Foundation President Gleb Pavlovskiy, himself involved in developing the new ideology, argued to us that "conservatism" was not at all at odds with Medvedev's modernization theme. It would provide the needed "historical and cultural" context for economic modernization. Comment: Tandem on Display: Pie in Sky vs. Cabbage on Table -------------- -------------- ¶9. (C) As an opportunity to witness possible public fissures between Medvedev and Putin, the United Russia Congress was a non-event. Putin reinforced his strength while conveying to his elite supporters that he remains in firm command, deserving of their continued loyalty. Pavlovskiy told us immediately after the speeches that Medvedev and Putin displayed that they complement one another. Medvedev is fulfilling his role as president: as a long-range thinker, the guarantor of the Constitution responsible for fair elections and a level playing field for all political parties. Putin demonstrated that he is taking care of the economic interests of citizens, businesses and siloviki supporters. Kryshtanovskaya told us that both Medvedev and Putin had played their respective roles "brilliantly," and that the demonstration of presidential approval of Gryzlov's official endorsement of debates with opposition parties had been "executed perfectly." Gryzlov atoned for his poor management of the car tax issue (Ref A). ¶10. (C) Though rumors of personal and policy differences between their teams persist, Medvedev and Putin turned in another public display of ease with one another. Medvedev's slap on the hand to regional leaders for over-zealous use of administrative resources means little now, and will mean MOSCOW 00002882 003 OF 003 nothing in months ahead if those same United Russia officials stonewall the opposition on media coverage of debates. In doling out federal funds to the regions, Putin exercises greater real influence than Medvedev. The congress left the executive leadership of the party largely untouched, displacing no war-horses such as Moscow Mayor Luzhkov or Tatarstan President Shaimiyev, while bringing aboard powerhouses such as Russian Chamber of Commerce Chairman Shokhin and St. Petersburg Mayor Matviyenko. In spite of Medvedev's call for United Russia to be an instrument for helping citizens realize their own interests, the congress proved once more that the party is Putin's instrument to be used to advance his present and future goals. Beyrle