MEXICO: LEGISLATIVE AND GUBERNATORIAL ELECTIONS

C O N F I D E N T I A L MEXICO 001667 SENSITIVE SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/21/2017 TAGS: PGOV PREL PINR MX SUBJECT: MEXICO: LEGISLATIVE AND GUBERNATORIAL ELECTIONS UPDATE REF: A. 08 MEXICO 3574 ¶B. MEXICO 1247 ¶C. MEXICO 935 ¶D. MEXICO 1630 Classified By: Political Minister Counselor Charles V. Barclay. Reason: 1.4 (b),(d). ¶1. (C) Summary. As the July 5 legislative, state, and local elections near, the PRI continues to maintain a consistent lead over its closest rival, the PAN. The parties' official campaigns have been lackluster as they have they have sought to evade the stricter electoral code by using more underhanded maneuvers for negative campaigning. The null vote movement has gained some momentum, but most observers do not see it as a game-changer on election day. At this point, we expect to see on July 5 a relatively peaceful vote with potential sporadic incidents, participation rates at 40 percent or less, and a slightly higher than usual but still minimal null vote. Embassy and consulate observers will be at the polls to provide an on-the-ground take on the voting process and the results. End Summary. The Numbers -------------- ¶2. (C) The Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI) has maintained a consistent lead over its closest rival, President Calderon's National Action Party (PAN),even though the margin has narrowed from its widest earlier this year. In a nationwide poll released this month by major Mexico City daily "El Universal," 34.1 percent of respondents said they would vote for the PRI in the elections for federal deputies, 28.2% for the PAN, and 11.3% for the Revolutionary Democratic Party (PRD). A May poll conducted by Consulta Mitofsky indicated that 37 percent of likely voters would support the PRI in the federal contest, 33 percent for the PAN, and 16.5 percent for the PRD, when eliminating the seven percent of respondents who did not declare preferences. Such a result would give the PRI between 210-238 congressional seats, the PAN between 148 and 171, and the PRD between 80 and 93. ¶3. (C) Most informed local observers suspect that the final tally will closely mirror these May surveys. Marcelo Ortega, Director of polling firm Consulta Mitofsky in Mexico, told Poloff on June 9 that he believes the PRI will finish with 37 to 39 percent of the vote, the PAN with about 32 percent, and the PRD with 16 to 17 percent. Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) Counselor Francisco Guerrero told Poloff on June 10 that he also expects similar results. Of the small parties, Ortega noted that the Green Party (PVEM) may win on its own two directly elected Chamber of Deputies seats and is polling at 5.6 percent. The other small parties, including New Alliance (PANAL),Convergencia, and the Worker's Party (PT) are each pulling above the two percent vote requirement for maintaining their party registration, but Ortega noted that the Social Democratic Party (PSD) captures only .7 percent and is at real risk of missing the 2 percent mark. ¶4. (C) Most interested parties are hoping to see a 40 percent participation rate, which would put it on par with past mid-term elections. Fears that abstention could top 60 percent have been somewhat allayed by the six concurrent gubernatorial contests and myriad local elections in eleven states and the Federal District, which will probably help boost voter participation. IFE Counselor Guerrero said he expects about 40 percent of the over 77,000,000 registered voters to turn out on July 5, but does not discount the possibility of sparser attendance. The Campaign -------------- ¶5. (C) The July 5 elections provide the first real test case for the 2007 electoral reform measures, which broadly reshaped laws governing campaign spending and tactics. The results so far seem to be uninspiring "official campaigns" (such as the IFE-mandated television and radio spots), underhanded workarounds (like buying network coverage of candidates under the table),rhetorical barbs, and possibly even electorally-minded security campaigns (ref a, b, c and d). The parties' official campaign advertisements and spots are as exciting as user guides to toaster ovens, focusing on less-than-controversial topics like medical care, access to education, and generation of employment. Legal prohibitions on negative campaigning no doubt has helped to create these mild-mannered approaches and messages. ¶6. (C) Nevertheless, the parties are finding more clever means of promoting their campaigns. Members of the political elite, analysts, and laypersons have consistently told Poloff that candidates are paying networks to provide them with television coverage in order to bypass the restriction prohibiting candidates from purchasing airtime. Ortega also told Poloff that candidates provide their non-official spots to sympathetic local press, who run the promotions as "news" on regularly scheduled programs rather than as advertisements. IFE is well aware of these practices, but has been hardpressed to effectively take on the cunning parties and a powerful media still smarting from the passage of the 2007 reform package. Guerrero lamented these practices, but said they were practically impossible to prove and stop. He went so far as to claim that a recent magazine cover featuring PAN candidate Cesar Navas as a probable result of an under-the-table agreement. When asked whether such coverage could be chalked up to a magazine wanting to write about a key politician, he reiterated that IFE simply could not track such mischievous activities. ¶7. (C) The PAN of all the parties has perhaps most adroitly compensated for the new stricter rules by launching its negative rhetorical campaign (ref d) against the PRI. In addition to German Martinez's efforts to tar its rival as responsible for the country's current struggles with corruption and narcotics trafficking, it also has effectively framed the electoral debate in terms of security (a PAN strength) rather than the economy (a PAN vulnerability). Ortega opined that the PRI had squandered its opportunity to win an absolute majority by not more aggressively pushing the PAN on the country's economic problems, which now top security issues when it comes to voter concerns. The PAN also has more effectively managed an internet effort, which has left the IFE flummoxed in terms of its regularity authority over online campaign content. ¶8. (C) Accusations abound in press and political circles as to whether recent federal security operations have been timed to provide a pre-election boost to the PAN. The arrest of 28 public officials in Michoacan State on May 26, including ten mayors and a judge, for ties to drug trafficking provoked immediate allegations by the PRD, which runs the state, that the government was playing politics with the detentions. Other observers, including Ortega, Guerrero, and the International Republican Institute,s (IRI) Mexico director (please protect) have also speculated that it is convenient that the arraigo -- the government's ability to hold such suspects for up to 40 days for questioning -- will expire just days after the July 5 vote. Similar accusations have been made in regards to the decision to send in federal authorities to rout the municipal and state police forces in Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, just weeks before the vote. ¶9. (C) The PRI continues to have one significant advantage over its competitor -- its efficient and effective electoral machine. The International Republican Institute's Mexico Director (please protect) noted that the PRI's grassroots effort continues to be far more extensive than the other parties'. The PRI, for example, sent earlier this month ex-governors to hit the road to rescue contested states and rally the party faithful. The IRI country director described a 3,000 person rally in Veracruz where PRI youth gathered to listen to a rock concert. The Null Vote -------------- ¶10. (C) A movement encouraging voters to go to the polls on July 5 and cast a blank ballot as a protest against what they consider a failed and atrophied political class has gained in strength and attention in recent weeks. Ortega said the null vote is generally about 2.5 percent of the total, including in the 2006 presidential and legislative elections. A recent poll released in Mexico City daily "Reforma" put the null vote in the Federal District at about 9 percent, a significantly higher percentage than the historical average. Ortega assured Poloff that Consulta Mitofsky will be looking to include a question gauging the null vote in its next national poll, but noted that he expects the numbers to be much lower overall than that of Mexico City, which counts a more informed and sophisticated electorate the most of the rest of the country. The consensus amongst local observers is that the null vote is more likely to damage the smaller parties vice the three largest, since the PAN, PRI, and PRD have more established support networks and more effective electoral campaigns that will effectively rally their base on voting day. Voters who choose smaller parties also tend to operate more on the political margins, suggesting that they would be more drawn to a "voto en blanco." ¶11. (C) There are significant resources behind the null vote campaign. Gabriel Hinojosa, President Calderon's cousin and the former PAN mayor of Puebla who later broke from the party, is providing publicity and funding, according to Ortega. Former PRI President Dulce Maria Sauri and fundraiser for former President Fox, Luis Alberto Bolaos, have also public voiced their support. The political parties and the Catholic Church, however, have strongly expressed their disapproval. ¶12. (C) IFE Counselor Guerrero's theory is that the null vote campaign is hardly a spontaneous movement by the people, but that it has been mostly orchestrated by the media and specific interest groups. Guerrero said that media is still smarting from the new ban on campaigns buying radio and television time, which has deprived them of significant revenue. The null vote, he argues, is a way for the powerful syndicates to retaliate against the IFE and, to a lesser extent, the political parties, which they blame for the 2007 electoral reforms. Regardless, he does not expect the null vote to exceed 6 to 7 percent, and in fact ironically noted that the null campaign could modestly boost voter participation. He said that IFE doesn't really care how many people cast blank ballots as long as they come out to vote in a well-run, peaceful election. IFE has publicly joined the political parties, however, to exhort the public to refrain from employing the null vote on July 5. Gubernatorial Contests -------------- ¶13. (C) Ortega provided a quick overview of the status of the gubernatorial contests, noting that except for two, the electoral outcome probably will favor the status quo. Early this year, PAN leaders were hoping to pick up several new governorships to compensate for what they expected to be significant losses in the Chamber, boost party morale, and enable it to spin the mid-term vote positively. Such an outcome looks less than likely. Six states are up for grabs, including: --QUERETERO. The state is currently controlled by the PAN, and almost certainly will elect another PAN governor. --NUEVO LEON. The Nuevo Leon contest is too close to call at this point as the PRI and PAN candidates are running neck and neck. Ortega opined that PRI candidate Rodrigo Medina de la Cruz probably will edge out the PAN's Fernando Elizondo, but ongoing state and local police turmoil and increasingly fierce negative campaigning make this vote anyone's game. Nuevo Leon is currently governed by PRI Governor Natividad Gonzalez Paras, but the PAN has put considerable political capital into this race in an attempt to replace Natividad with one of its own. The party would view a failure to do so as a considerable political blow. --SAN LUIS POTOSI. Though perhaps less contested than Nuevo Leon, San Luis Potosi's gubernatorial election could be closer than expected. The margin between the PAN and PRI candidates is about 4 percent. While the PAN has an advantage, PRI candidate Fernando Toranzo Fernandez was the current PAN Governor's Secretary of Health, suggesting that he could appeal more broadly. --SONORA. PRI Governor Bours may be replaced by PRI candidate Alfonso Elias Serrano, although such an outcome is less certain in the wake of last week,s fire at the government-operated daycare center. The race started off relatively close, then widening to a 10 percent spread between the candidates. Bours had maintained very high approval ratings -- upwards of 80 percent -- which but the PRI is receiving a good bit of the blame for the tragic fire. Whether or not voters believe the state government is properly investigating and bringing to justice those responsible will have a considerable impact on the results. The PAN,s ability to rally voters may also be key -- a protest vote by the electorate against the PRI might actually play to PRI,s favor, particularly given that the party is outspending the PAN by a wide margin. --CAMPECHE. The state is governed by the PRI and probably will continue to be governed by the PRI after July 5. While the 2000 gubernatorial race was close, corruption scandals tied to the PAN in the state have hurt the party's campaign there. --COLIMA. Current PRI Governor Silverio Cavazos will probably be replaced by PRI candidate Mario Anguiano Moreno. Despite being plagued by family ties to narcotics trafficking -- family members are currently in prison in both the United States and Mexico for drug crimes -- the PAN has had its own corruption and infighting woes, which have damaged its prospects in the states. ¶14. (C) On another note, Ortega reported that the PRI stands to make gains in Mexico State, which would reflect well on PRI Governor Enrique Pena Nieto, a presidential hopeful and key public figure for the party. Ortega did hedge his electoral estimates by saying that local polling is notoriously unreliable in Mexico, since the local press lacks resources for good surveys, and those that are conducted are usually done so at the behest of specific parties. Narco-financing: Level of Risk -------------- ¶15. (C) IFE representatives at the state and federal level continue to tell Poloff that they are relatively unconcerned by the risk of significant narco-corruption of candidates running for federal deputy seats. Traffickers benefit less from buying off one of 500 deputies than they do one mayor -- who controls the area,s local security apparatus -- and the IFE does not have direct oversight of these elections. Nevertheless, IFE representatives in Mexico City, Monterrey, and Ciudad Juarez all have reported to Poloff that the electoral authority would be hard pressed to thoroughly investigate every candidate and are relying on the vetting of candidates done by the parties themselves, as well as spending limits on campaigns, to curb the entry of narco-dollars into campaigns. Comment -------------- ¶16. (C) Embassy contacts seem to be in relative consensus as to the probable outcome of the July 5 votes -- the PRI first in the Chamber of Deputies, with the PAN close behind and the PRD a distant third. They do not rule out an "October surprise," however, that would alter the electoral landscape. The arrest on charges of narcotics-related corruption of a major PRI political figure, such as a governor or ex-governor, or the capture of a major cartel head like Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzman are often cited as potentially vote changing events. Additionally, Mexico will be carefully scrutinizing the successes and failures of the new electoral code. (SEPTEL) Observers almost unanimously agree that the country will be forced to revisit the reforms before the 2012 presidential elections, but are unsure as to what the changes might actually look like. ¶17. (C) As of mid-June, it appears that July 5 will shape up to look like the following: a relatively peaceful vote with potential sporadic incidents; participation rates at 40 percent or less; a slightly higher than usual but still minimal null vote. Embassy and consulate observers will be at the polls on elections day to provide an on-the-ground take on the voting process and the results. Visit Mexico City's Classified Web Site at http://www.state.sgov.gov/p/wha/mexicocity and the North American Partnership Blog at http://www.intelink.gov/communities/state/nap / WILLIARD