MALAWI ELECTIONS - EXPECT A TIGHT RACE

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 LILONGWE 000228 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/27/2019 TAGS: PGOV KDEM MI SUBJECT: MALAWI ELECTIONS - EXPECT A TIGHT RACE REF: A. LILONGWE 219 ¶B. LILONGWE 175 ¶C. LILONGWE 220 ¶D. LILONGWE 183 ¶E. LILONGWE 44 ¶F. LILONGWE 221 LILONGWE 00000228 001.4 OF 003 Classified By: Ambassador Peter Bodde for reasons 1.4 (b,d) ¶1. (C) Summary: President Bingu wa Mutharika and Malawi Congress Party (MCP) leader John Tembo are the clear front-runners in a pack of seven presidential candidates. Despite Mutharika's real macroeconomic success and populist programs such as the fertilizer subsidy, incumbency in Malawi has not translated into easy victory in the past. Tembo's recent alliance with former president Bakili Muluzi (ref A) should add enough Southern region support to Tembo's Central region base to make the election closer. Independent candidate James Nyondo is a dark horse whose grassroots campaign has ironically received a publicity boost from recent government intimidation. Of the other candidates, only New Rainbow Coalition (NARC) candidate Loveness Gondwe, who has regional popularity in the North (ref B),might garner enough support to have a modest affect on the outcome. In this highly contentious election, the candidate who can win over disaffected voters in the North, urban-dwellers in the Center, and jilted UDF supporters is likely to win the presidency. End Summary. Mutharika and Tembo Lead the Pack -------------- ¶2. (C) President Bingu wa Mutharika and MCP leader John Tembo are the front-runners for the presidency as the May 19 election approaches. In 2004, Mutharika (then the candidate of the United Democratic Front -- UDF) won with 34% and Tembo finished second with 28%. This time around, the victor could need close to 50% of the votes to win, given the Malawi's Electoral Commission's (MEC) disqualification of Muluzi, the third major candidate. Without a candidate of their own, Muluzi and the United Democratic Front have thrown their support to Tembo. Of the remaining five candidates, Alliance for Democracy (AFORD),the Republican Party (RP), and People Transformation Party (PETRA) have little chance of receiving significant votes and are running primarily to boost associated parliamentary campaigns. New Rainbow Coalition (NARC) candidate Loveness Gondwe, who is seeking validation that she is the new voice of the North, has the potential to gain modest support from that region. Malawi, divided into three regions (North, Central, and South) has over 6.2 million registered voters of which 13% reside in the North, 42% in the Central, and 45% in the South. Regional identification has been the strongest single factor in recent voting patterns in Malawi. Are Sound Economics Enough? -------------- ¶3. (C) President Mutharika has achieved real macroeconomic success during his term, reducing Malawi's inflation rate to single digits and increasing its GDP growth rate (an average of 8 percent) to one of the highest in the world. He has garnered some favorable international press and become an icon of Sachsian development experts for his fertilizer subsidy program. Some observers credit the program with restoring food security to Malawi, though good rainfall in the past three years has also played a large role in Malawi's abundant harvests. The fertilizer subsidy has been Mutharika's trademark initiative in the minds of Malawian voters as well. Mutharika has also pursued a high-profile, though erratic, anti-corruption campaign focused mainly on the misdeeds of the previous Muluzi Administration. Opponents argue that Mutharika's macro-accomplishments have not trickled down to the masses, who still deal with overcrowded schools, poor infrastructure, under-funded health facilities and rising prices for staple goods. Incumbency Has Advantages -------------- ¶4. (C) As the incumbent, Mutharika enjoys significant advantages over his closest rivals, including use of the presidential motorcade and helicopter and a near monopoly on state media coverage (ref C). Mutharika's Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has also recently added a fleet of new vehicles, including six black Hummers, three coach buses and over 20 pickup trucks in DPP blue. Private media and LILONGWE 00000228 002.4 OF 003 opposition leaders have complained about the DPP's use of government vehicles to ferry supporters to rallies (ref D). Despite all of these advantages, however, incumbency has not always translated into success in Malawi. In the National Assembly, historically over 70% of incumbent legislators lost their seats and in 1999, Muluzi's margin of victory was cut in half from 1994. The DPP's lack of a strong regional base puts it at a disadvantage against the MCP's blindly-loyal followers in the Central region. Moreover, the party's immature grassroots structures created voter animosity with sham primaries that imposed candidates (ref E). While Mutharika has appealed directly to voters through frequent campaign rallies, his inability to woo influential community leaders in the North (ref B),a key "swing" region, could prove costly to him. Heavyweights Line Up Behind Tembo -------------- ¶5. (C) John Tembo, already a formidable opponent due to iron-clad rural support in the Central Region, grew from a regional powerhouse to a strong national contender with the support of Muluzi. Tembo, who selected former UDF leader Brown Mpinganjira as his running mate, has also won the support of Southern region heavyweight Gwanda Chakuamba. Chakuamba and Mpinganjira won 25% and 15% respectively of the South's presidential votes in 2004 and both still carry significant influence in the most populous region of Malawi. The key question remains how many UDF partisans will follow their leaders and support Tembo. They would have to overcome strong tribal, regional and religious prejudices to do so. The Director of the Muslim Association of Malawi indicated he believes up to 40% of Muslims, staunch Muluzi supporters in the past, will instead choose not to vote. However, Tembo and Muluzi have already held joint rallies in both the South and Center, attracting huge crowds. UDF and MCP banners can be seen flying together throughout the two regions. The MCP recently put a fresh coat of paint, including a new 20-foot party logo, on the gated entrance to the long-abandoned party headquarters building next door to the U.S. Embassy. ¶6. (C) The added political and financial support in the South has enabled the MCP to devote its limited party resources to defending its home turf in the Center, an area with over 2.5 million voters. Mutharika has campaigned vigorously in the Central region by linking himself to former president and MCP founder Kamuzu Banda. Mutharika has taken to using the honorific title Ngwazi ("conqueror") that was once reserved for Banda, and re-established "Kamuzu Day" as a national holiday last year. Mutharika also built an expensive mausoleum for Banda with government funds and has adapted numerous Banda-related songs for his campaign. At a recent rally in Lilongwe however, DPP supporters had to be bused in from distant rural areas, and the gates of the stadium had to be locked, to prevent people from leaving before the President's arrival, leading many to believe Mutharika's efforts in Central region haven't been as effective as he claims. The Dark Horse: James Nyondo -------------- ¶7. (C) The dark horse in the race is James Nyondo. At 41, Nyondo is the youngest of the seven candidates and has eschewed urban areas and national media to focus his campaign at the village level. Nyondo studied in the United States and returned to Malawi in 2006 to start Servants of the Nation, a Christian charitable organization that sought to encourage Malawian self-help projects. Based on this platform, Nyondo sought out like-minded "servant leaders" who would agree to give back parts of their salaries and allowance to development projects in their constituencies. Declaring party politics one of the problems in Malawi, Nyondo and his coalition of independents went public in early ¶2009. Nyondo, who freely admits he is funded by American church leaders, has financially supported over 120 parliamentary candidates and campaigns throughout the country. ¶8. (C) Originally a curiosity when he announced his candidacy, government intimidation has moved the Nyondo campaign from rural obscurity to front-page news. First, police arrested and later deported an American volunteer political advisor (ref F) ostensibly for immigration violations. The government has now frozen Nyondo's bank accounts and has said they are investigating him for money laundering. The government has claimed that Nyondo is misappropriating funds meant for religious activities to LILONGWE 00000228 003.4 OF 003 politics. Nyondo denied the charges, saying he has nothing to hide about his campaign's finances and challenged President Mutharika to reveal how he financed the purchase of his party's new vehicles. Nyondo's communication manager, Charles Simango, confided that Nyondo expects to get less than 15% of the vote, but said most of his supporters would be prime candidates to support Mutharika if Nyondo wasn't in the race. Will Elections be Credible? -------------- ¶9. (C) Both the 1999 and 2004 elections were fraught with technical problems and claims of rigging. It is now widely accepted that the 2004 elections were marred by serious irregularities, including the locking out of UN-supported technical advisers from their offices after polling day. Mutharika was the first to cry foul this year, accusing the MCP and UDF of buying voter identification cards from DPP supporters. The opposition has countered with claims that DPP had hired foreign rigging experts, and that Mutharika had recently met with the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) to plan how to rig the vote. The UDF has also claimed that Mutharika is bribing traditional authorities (tribal leaders) to gather support for his party. (Note: By law, traditional authorities are not allowed to campaign or make partisan statements.) Even with spotty evidence to back these claims, the MEC's well publicized financial and operational problems (ref C) have cast some doubt about its ability to hold credible polls. Given the current levels of distrust, along with Malawi's recent history of losers disputing results, one or perhaps both major candidates may denounce the elections over even minor procedural mistakes. All of this will only increase pressure on local monitors and international observers to offer independent assessments of the credibility of the results. Tight Race Hinges on North, Urbanites and UDF -------------- ¶10. (C) Comment: Mutharika is betting that his administration's economic achievements and his personal leadership will be enough to carry the day on May 19. The President recently dismissed his only remaining alliance partner, the People's Progressive Movement, effectively pitting his DPP against all comers. An unexpected loss by Mutharika could jeopardize the ruling party's very existence. John Tembo, for his part, is anxiously anticipating his party's return to power. With support from Muluzi and other heavyweights, Tembo appears to be growing more confident by the day. In the absence of reliable opinion polling, however, neither candidate should be comfortable. With no one clearly ahead, the pressure continues to increase on the MEC to deliver a well managed and credible electoral process. If the elections are fair, the ultimate winner will come down to who can capture the votes of independent-minded Northerners, urbanites in the Central region and UDF supporters who have lost their candidate. BODDE