ARCHITECT OF CARETAKER GOVERNMENT LEAVES BEHIND A

S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 03 DHAKA 000690

SIPDIS

DEPT FOR SCA/INSB

E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/13/2019
TAGS: PGOV PREL PINR KDEM MARR PTER BG
SUBJECT: ARCHITECT OF CARETAKER GOVERNMENT LEAVES BEHIND A
CONTROVERSIAL LEGACY

REF: IIR 6 925 0142 09 USDAO DHAKA BG

Classified By: Ambassador James F. Moriarty, Reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)

Summary
--------------


1. (C) Bangladesh's Chief of Army Staff General Moeen Uddin
Ahmed, the architect of Bangladesh's 2007-2008 Caretaker
Government (CTG),quietly retired June 14. Though he retired
without fanfare, Bangladeshis continue to debate whether
Moeen should be celebrated or condemned for his role in the
decision to cancel elections scheduled for January 2007 and
his backing of a two-year Caretaker Government committed to
holding elections in December 2008. Debate aside, General
Moeen fulfilled his two key promises: he helped ensure
Bangladesh held free and fair national elections, and he
stepped down from power at the end of his tenure. With his
actions during the CTG and his willingness to follow the
orders of the Prime Minister during the February 2009
Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) mutiny, Moeen proved the Bangladesh
military understood its role vis--vis civilian authority,
even if tensions continue to exist between the military and
the civilian government.

Controversial, But Also a Man of His Word
--------------


2. (C) Following the June 14 retirement of Chief of Army
Staff General Moeen Uddin Ahmed, Bangladeshis are debating
whether he was a hero or a criminal. Some argue that Moeen
violated Bangladesh's Constitution by delaying general
elections scheduled for January 2007 and backing a Caretaker
Government for two years. Others argue that Moeen should be
rewarded for his courage in stopping political unrest that
was spiraling out of control in late 2006 and early 2007.


3. (C) Regardless of their opinions about Moeen's actions,
Bangladeshis cannot deny that Moeen fulfilled two basic
pledges: to return Bangladesh to democracy and to step down
at the end of his tenure as Chief of Army Staff. The
elections of 2008 were the most free and fair in Bangladesh's
history. Throughout the tenure of the 2007-2008 CTG, there
was much speculation about Moeen's intentions, including
theories about Moeen taking on a larger political role.
Publicly and privately, Moeen disputed these theories and
vowed he only wanted to ensure elections and serve as Chief
of Army Staff. When the CTG in June 2008 extended Moeen's
tenure as a Chief of Army Staff to June 2009, many pointed to
the extension as proof of Moeen's desire to retain power.
Moeen's quiet retirement on June 14 ended this argument.

Moeen and the BDR mutiny
--------------


4. (C) After the democratically-elected Awami League
government took over in January 2009, Moeen demonstrated
commitment to the concept of civilian control over the
military. During the February mutiny of the BDR border
force, in which BDR enlisted men murdered scores of their
Army superiors, Moeen followed Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's
orders. Though many in the Bangladesh Army were urging
immediate use of force to put down the mutiny, the Prime
Minister first tried to negotiate with the mutineers in an
effort to avoid a military operation that would have resulted
in casualties not only among the mutineers and Army, but also
among Dhaka residents living near the site of the mutiny.
When negotiations failed, she ordered Moeen to have the Army
encircle the BDR Headquarters, and she gave the mutineers an
ultimatum. At that point the mutineers surrendered, and the
Army did not have to forcefully put down the mutiny.


5. (C) In the mutiny's aftermath, many in the Army
questioned the Prime Minister's decisions and criticized
Moeen for following her orders. In a volatile March meeting
between the Prime Minister and a large gathering of Army
officers, mid-level and senior Army officers verbally
attacked the Prime Minister, shouted at her and tore off
insignia on their uniforms in protest of her handling of the
mutiny and in anguish over the loss of their comrades. One
of Moeen's last acts as Chief of Army Staff was to dismiss
seven of these officers for disrespectful conduct in front of
the Prime Minister. The dismissal of these officers was
reportedly ordered by the Prime Minister after the GOB
received evidence that they continued to agitate against the
civilian government in the months after the mutiny. The GOB

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reportedly arranged to have the dismissals occur under the
watch of Moeen to allow new Chief of Army Staff General Md.
Abdul Mubeen to assume office without the cloud of the
dismissals over his head (reftel). Reaction within the Army
to the officers' dismissal was muted. Even among those who
believed the punishment too harsh, many apparently understood
the dismissed officers had crossed the line with their
behavior in the meeting with the Prime Minister.

Moeen disavows some DGFI actions
--------------


6. (S) At a farewell dinner in Moeen's honor hosted by
United Nations Resident Coordinator Renata Dessallien, Moeen
claimed he had not sanctioned certain initiatives of the
military's Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI)
during the tenure of the CTG. He claimed the
counter-terrorism chief under the CTG, Brigadier General
A.T.M. Amin, did not keep him informed about, nor did Moeen
approve many of his actions. (NOTE: During the CTG, DGFI led
efforts to tackle Bangladesh's endemic corruption by
arresting and building legal cases against hundreds of
politicians, business people and government officials,
including the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the Leader of
the Opposition, Begum Khaleda Zia. DGFI's conduct during the
CTG drew wide criticism, including allegations of torture of
suspects in custody. DGFI's Amin also foolishly attempted to
engineer the creation of an Islamic political party out of
the domestic terrorist group Harakat
ul-Jihad-Islami-Bangladesh (HUJI-B),allegedly in the
misguided belief that as a legitimate political party, HUJI-B
would be easier to monitor and control. END NOTE.)

Moeen's Future Unclear
--------------


7. (C) As of mid-July, Moeen's future is uncertain. He is
vacationing with his family in Singapore and the United
States, where he will be inducted in the U.S. Army's Hall of
Fame at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. Begum Zia's Bangladesh
Nationalist Party (BNP),some in the Awami League, and others
who were targeted for investigation under the CTG have
demanded Moeen's prosecution for crimes against the
Constitution. At the same time there is speculation that the
GOB could name Moeen Bangladesh's Permanent Representative to
the United Nations in New York. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina
said publicly she would not seek retaliation against CTG
leaders, including Moeen, in spite of such calls from within
her own party. The BNP and other politicians, however, have
not made such promises.


8. (U) On July 12, former state minister for power and
energy, Iqbal Hasan Mahmud Tuku, filed a defamation suit
against Moeen asking for a compensation of approximately
$14.7 million for spreading false information about
corruption in his ministry during the BNP government from
2001-2006. A Dhaka court ordered Moeen to submit a written
reply to the accusations by August 16 and to explain within
three weeks why his personal property should not be attached
as a security deposit pending resolution of the case. Tuku's
counsel, senior BNP leader Moudud Ahmed, told the media that
the allegation against Tuku, one of the 218 politicians
detained by the CTG, was part of Moeen's strategy to harass
politicians and weaken political parties like the BNP.
According to Moudud, many alleged victims of torture and
harassment by the CTG were preparing to file criminal cases
again Moeen.

Comment
--------------


9. (C) Civil-military relations in Bangladesh are troubled.
The civilian government lacks formal lines of communication
with the military and lacks institutions that clearly define
civil-military relationships and roles. The BDR mutiny
underscored this. General Moeen's actions before and after
the 2008 elections, however, illustrate that there is a basic
understanding in Bangladesh of the military's role vis--vis
the civilian government. Under Moeen's leadership, the
military went back to the barracks after a
democratically-elected government took power and it remained
there, even when tested during the BDR mutiny. In part due
to its role in United Nations peace-keeping operations and
its strong relationships with counterparts in countries like
the United States, the Bangladesh military is slowly evolving
into a professional force that eschews a political role.

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This is good news in a region where there is a history of
military leaders intervening in politics. In the coming
months, we hope to help the GOB focus on improving
civil-military relations beginning with seminars hosted by
the Asia Pacific Center for Strategic Studies (APCSS) this
fall.
MORIARTY