Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
09DARESSALAAM9
2009-01-09 07:41:00
UNCLASSIFIED
Embassy Dar Es Salaam
Cable title:  

Ambassador Green's Farewell Remarks for Zanzibar

Tags:  PGOV PREL PHUM KPAO TZ 
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RUEHDS/USMISSION USAU ADDIS ABABA
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 DAR ES SALAAM 000009 

SIPDIS

DEPT AF/E FOR JLIDDLE

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM KPAO TZ
SUBJECT: Ambassador Green's Farewell Remarks for Zanzibar

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 DAR ES SALAAM 000009

SIPDIS

DEPT AF/E FOR JLIDDLE

E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM KPAO TZ
SUBJECT: Ambassador Green's Farewell Remarks for Zanzibar


1. Ambassador Mark Green held a farewell gathering in
Zanzibar on 8 January. He addressed an audience of 200
leaders drawn from Zanzibar?s government, political,
civil society, cultural, academic, business and media
sectors. Resident American citizens attended as well.
Muslim religious leaders who had attended previous
similar events were noticeably absent on this occasion.
The generally accepted explanation for their absence was
protest against the conflict in Gaza. The speech was well
received by senior leaders on both sides of Zanzibar?s
bitter political divide. It was covered in the print,
online and broadcast media.

Zanzibar and the United States: Shared Experiences
-------------- --------------


2. Zanzibaris and Americans have been friends for many
years. America?s official presence on Zanzibar dates
back to 1833 when a treaty between the United States and
Oman provided for an American consular presence here. We
have been your trade partners since the first American
sailing ships blew in here from across the globe looking
for whale oil to illuminate the streets of American
cities. Later, they brought with them cotton cloth and
guns, and traded for ivory and gum copal. Today we
remain the largest buyers of your agriculture, especially
seaweed. American visitors account for a significant
share of your tourism industry. Trade and personal
engagement always comes first. Government structures
follow to secure these things. Before I arrived here and
long after I am gone, the enduring relationship between
our two peoples remains.

We respect Zanzibar?s history, its cultural achievements
and its unique union with mainland Tanzania. Zanzibaris
contributed significantly toward the creation of a
language and a culture that has spread throughout much of
East Africa and beyond. Your music, your architecture,
your literature, your handicrafts and the wisdom
contained in your proverbs have added to the world?s
cultural heritage far out of proportion to the size of
your population.

I ask you to keep in mind this long friendship and deep
respect as I make some observations about our history. I
make my remarks as the representative of a people who
have had some similar experiences to your own. History
is an awareness of what has happened to us in the past so
that we can take control of what is happening to us now.
Our views of what happened change from person to person
and from moment to moment, but the act of self-
examination is essential to improving our condition.

I?ve made about a dozen trips here in Zanzibar, including

visits on my own time, with my friends and family,
visiting Zanzibari friends and their families. I?ve been
north and south of these islands, having discussions with
Tanzanians from Pemba and Unguja. I ask my Zanzibar
friends to remember that I speak as a friend and well
wisher. Friends speak openly, honestly and frankly to
one another. I wish to discuss with you some of my
country?s experiences struggling with political issues
similar to those that confront Zanzibar?s leadership
today. I wish to share with you tonight a few aspects of
American history and suggest points for Zanzibari leaders
to think about as they consult together to determine
solutions to today?s pressing issues. In particular I
wish to discuss our experiences with political tolerance,
with power sharing and with the prosperity that flows
from reconciliation. Maybe you can draw useful lessons
from some of the poor choices we have made.

My country?s history resembles that of Zanzibar in
several ways. We too had a revolution against a
monarchy. It is important to note that in the late 1700s
not all Americans agreed with the struggle for
independence from the British King. Our war for
independence from Britain was, in part, a civil war
amongst Americans. When revolutionary forces captured an
area, it was common for the property of those who were
loyal to the King to be confiscated by the revolutionary
government. Known loyalists were arrested as potential
spies. After the British defeat, many thousands of
loyalists fled from the former colonies. Many took

DAR ES SAL 00000009 002 OF 004


refuge in Canada, a Commonwealth country to this day.

In principle, we Americans believe that everyone is
entitled to his or her own opinion. However, during a
life and death struggle against what was then the
mightiest empire on earth, our leaders did not extend
that right to those who believed it was their duty to
remain loyal to their King. Soon after we won
independence, we were faced with another test of
political tolerance when two fiercely-opposed factions
arose within American society. Our second President,
John Adams, feared that these factions would tear the
country apart. He noted that each faction was supported
by one of the two super-powers of the day, Britain and
France, who were engaged in a world war. He wished to
continue the non-aligned policy of the father of our
nation, George Washington. He introduced laws, known as
the Alien and Sedition Acts, which, among other things,
severely limited the right of free speech. He defended
these laws as necessary evils to prevent political
passions from destroying the nation.

Historians judged his solution harshly, as did American
voters. He lost his bid for re-election. The laws were
repealed by his successor on the grounds that they were
an affront to human rights. Restoration of the free
expression of political opinion contributed to a return
to social harmony. The dangers that Adams feared were
real, but a better solution would have been for President
Adams to use his influence to cool inflammatory rhetoric
and to call publicly for all leaders to put the long-term
best interests of the country ahead of short-term
political interests.

Turning to today?s Zanzibar, I note the heated rhetoric
that some partisans from both sides of the political
divide use about their rivals. Honest political
disagreements can be ? and should be ? discussed
respectfully between fellow citizens who share a common
desire for the well-being of their shared community. The
political climate of these isles would improve if the
leaders of Zanzibar?s major political parties publicly
declared that they respect their rivals as patriotic
Zanzibaris and Tanzanians.

Demokrasia ni majadiliano. Democracy is dialog. Dialog
requires mutual respect. By all means, argue about
Zanzibar?s policy options, but remember that political
rivals are not enemies. Leaders have a duty to teach
their supporters this truth and to correct those
supporters who put party interests ahead of the interests
of the community. Responsible leaders curb irresponsible
supporters.

In the 1860?s America fought a Civil War. We fought over
how much freedom a region had within the national
government. We fought over slavery. That conflict
included violence against civilians and destruction of
civilian property. After the slaughter stopped, it took
us years to recover. Decades later, at the same moment
in history when we emerged onto the world?s stage as a
great power, we also began to regenerate our society by
making progress in reconciling Blacks and Whites in a way
that had gone largely unaddressed 100 years after our
Civil War. Regions of the country characterized by the
greatest degree of racial intolerance were also the
poorest, least educated and most ill-governed areas of
the country. Once progress was made in reconciliation,
these areas experienced rapid economic, social and
political progress.

Zanzibar shares our sad history of political violence,
slavery and the devastating consequences of extreme
social and political divisions. We all know that the end
of British colonial rule in Zanzibar was soon followed by
a violent uprising against the first post-independence
government. Sadly, that uprising included violence
against civilians, as had also occurred during the
American civil war. It takes a spirit of political
tolerance and openness to public discussion of painful
historical events to overcome such bitter history so that
the community can move forward. My country knows this,
as we had to do the same to overcome the bitterness left
behind by certain episodes in our own past.

DAR ES SAL 00000009 003 OF 004



Let me discuss the concept of power sharing. Our
constitution, the supreme law of the United States,
divides power between Federal and State governments. At
both the Federal and State levels, power is further
divided between the executive, legislative and judicial
branches. It is common in the United States for one
party to head the executive while another party heads the
legislature. It is also common for the President to
choose some ministers (we call them Secretaries) from the
rival party. President Bush did this, as did his
predecessor, President Clinton. President-elect Obama
has indicated that he will do the same. Likewise, in
the legislature, it is common for members of one party to
join members of the rival party in support of a law
opposed by their own party?s leadership. No leader can
ever have everything go entirely his way forever. No
party ever wins 100% of power. No party is ever
completely shut out of power. Today?s opponent may be
tomorrow?s ally. No group should feel permanently
alienated from government.

I am convinced that much of the bitterness in Zanzibari
politics stems from traditions of political exclusivity.
During the Omani, Portuguese, Sultanate and British
periods, power was exclusively held in the hands of a
few. There was little or no consultation or
consideration of the interests of the majority of
Zanzibaris. One side had all the power and the rest had
none. To lose power was to lose everything. To a
significant degree, this tradition survives today. Even
though the form of government changed and the identity of
the governing class changed, the zero-sum, all or
nothing, winner-takes-all political tradition did not
change. I believe that for Zanzibar society and its
economy to flourish, for Zanzibar to begin to tap its
full potential, this tradition must be replaced by one of
compromise, mutual respect and shared responsibility.

As many of you know, before my service as a diplomat, I
was a politician. I?ve served in public office as a
member of the Republican Party. Many Tanzanian observers
are concerned about the continuity of America?s major
engagement here. President George W. Bush has led the
largest commitment against a specific disease -- AIDS --
the world has ever seen. The President?s Malaria
Initiative has already produced a dramatic decline in
deaths from that disease in these isles. The Millennium
Challenge Account, which will fund a new and improved
power cable connecting Unguja to the mainland and roads
in Pemba, is another key pillar of our commitment here.
I assure you that these people-to-people activities
transcend American political rivalries. I was in
Washington this August with President Kikwete. I
personally followed-up on these programs with Congress?a
Democratic Party-controlled Congress under a Republican
President. Leaders from both major parties worked
together to allocate funds for our key programs in
Tanzania because they saw the wisdom in strengthening our
partnership with the Tanzanian people. This is the sort
of attitude I am talking about. Political rivals? Sure!
Enemies? Never! That which unites us is greater than
that which divides us.

The first member of my party elected President of the
United States was Abraham Lincoln. He once said, ?Nearly
all men can stand adversity, but if you want to test a
man's character, give him power.? I have had the honor
of meeting Zanzibar?s leaders. I believe they can pass
such a test. At the same time, I want to make it clear
to leaders from all sides that we prioritize our
relations with the Zanzibari people over our relations
with any one leader or party.

Once political competition in Zanzibar is channeled
within a structure that reassures all citizens that their
rights will be respected, even if their political rivals
are in power, then governance will improve, severe
resource disparities among the islands will equalize and
the full economic potential of these islands will be
realized. This is the moral thing to do. It is common
sense. It is also good business sense. Everyone wins.
Investors and tourists are attracted to well-governed,
stable regions. They stay away from areas plagued by

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conflict and poor governance. Power sharing is not a
matter of one side losing something and the other side
gaining something. Power sharing is a way for all
Zanzibaris and both major political parties to gain
security and prosperity. That is what we most wish for
all our Zanzibari friends. That is what we ourselves
witnessed when regions of my country that most suffered
from severe social divisions began to reconcile. The
result was social renewal, improved governance and
greater prosperity.

Leaders must help their supporters see that Zanzibaris
are best served by politics in which no one completely
wins and no one completely loses. In such politics,
those in the majority realize that unless they produce
results for the voters, they will soon find themselves in
the minority. Voters learn to judge political parties
and politicians by the results they produce, not by their
ethnic or regional identities or by their historical
loyalties.

When President Kikwete took office, he declared that
reconciliation on Zanzibar was his highest domestic
priority. He said, "I know that the final decision
concerning the political and future leadership of
Zanzibar depends on Zanzibaris themselves. But we have
one republic, one country. What happens in Zanzibar
affects us all." We all support the President?s desire
to work with Zanzibar?s leaders to bring reconciliation
to these isles.

American President John F. Kennedy, a friend to Africa,
once said, ?Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let
us never fear to negotiate.? As friends of Tanzania, and
friends of Zanzibar for many years, let me suggest that
the two parties must not be afraid to negotiate. A
negotiation in which each side gives . . . and both sides
gain.

I am confident that Zanzibar?s current set of political
leaders are capable of reaching a power sharing agreement
and implementing it in a sincere fashion that serves the
best interests of all Zanzibaris. I believe these
leaders will agree on an arrangement that gives
confidence to all political players so that the 2010
elections in Zanzibar will be free, fair and peaceful.
This is crucial, because Zanzibar cannot afford another
controversial and disputed election. The make up of the
post-2010 election power sharing government should be
based on the will of the Zanzibari people as expressed
through peaceful, free and fair elections. My confidence
is based on the conviction that the leaders of the rival
parties have Zanzibar?s best interests at heart and on my
knowledge that Zanzibar?s leaders can count on the
goodwill and assistance of their fellow Tanzanians in the
Union government and of the American people.

Thank you for honoring me with your presence this
evening. I am grateful for having had the opportunity to
serve here, and I wish you a fond farewell.

GREEN

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