ARGENTINA: PROFILING KEY KIRCHNER-ALLIED PIQUETERO LEADERS REF: (A) BUENOS AIRES 0526 (B) 08 BUENOS AIRES 1550 AND PREVIOUS (C) 08 BUENOS AIRES 1715 (D) BUENOS AIRES 0315 (E) BUENOS AIRES 0750 AND

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","C O N F I D E N T I A L BUENOS AIRES 000794 C O R R E C T E D C O P Y - ADDED SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/07/2029
TAGS: PREL PGOV ECON PHUM SOCI ASEC PTER AR


SUBJECT: ARGENTINA: PROFILING KEY KIRCHNER-ALLIED PIQUETERO LEADERS REF: (A) BUENOS AIRES 0526 (B) 08 BUENOS AIRES 1550 AND PREVIOUS (C) 08 BUENOS AIRES 1715 (D) BUENOS AIRES 0315 (E) BUENOS AIRES 0750 AND
0561 Classified By: CDA Tom Kelly for reasons 1.4 (b) & (d).

1. (SBU) Summary: Despite sharing the same goals -- job
creation, social inclusion, and state intervention in the
economy -- the leaders of Argentina's social activist movements, known as ""piqueteros,"" differ on how to achieve those objectives. Indeed, former President Nestor Kirchner's efforts to co-opt these groups have divided the movement between those aligned with the Kirchners, those that actively oppose the government, and groups that maintain a more neutral position. This cable assesses the leaders of pro-Kirchner piquetero groups. Nicknamed by the press ""Piqueteros K,"" this group includes Luis D'Elia of the Federation of Land and Housing (FTV); Emilio Persico of the Movement of Unemployed Workers - Evita (MTD-Evita; and Lito Borello of ""The Guys"" (Los Pibes). 2. (SBU) As part of the Embassy's ongoing efforts to reach out to a broad spectrum of Argentine society, Emboffs held a series of meetings with piquetero leaders, in addition to an
academic expert on the movement. This cable is the second in
a series on this key social movement, which while helping
thousands of poor Argentines has also played a role in amplifying the political power of the Kirchners, in part through marches, roadblocks, and boycotts. While the first cable analyzed the history of the piqueteros and their association with the Kirchner Government (ref A),this cable will profile the Kirchners' key piquetero allies and a
subsequent message will discuss key piquetero opposition leaders. End Summary. Who are the Piqueteros? -------------- 3. (SBU) Argentina has, for over a decade, experienced organized protests and activism by social movements known as ""piqueteros"", which literally means ""picketers."" These groups, representing the claims of unemployed citizens, distribute benefits from the national government (150-200 pesos, or USD 40-53, a month) to their members in exchange for working 20 to 40 hours a week in workfare programs.
According to 2007 national government statistics, the family aid plan reached 504,784 families, which includes 1,766,744 children. Local piquetero leaders believe the actual number of recipients dropped as Argentina's economy began to recuperate from its 2001 economic crisis. They estimate that only 800,000 Argentines are currently benefiting from these programs, while there are no government statistics on recipients after 2007. 4. (C) Many piquetero leaders initially distrusted former President Nestor Kirchner (NK) when he came to power in 2003. The piqueteros thought NK supported market-oriented economic policies, which they stridently oppose, and would repress their protest activities. However, early in his
administration, NK won the allegiance of some piquetero leaders by not restricting their marches and by inviting their leaders to visit the Government House. Eventually, over 50 leaders joined national and local governments aligned with NK. These Kirchner supporters, nicknamed by the press ""Piqueteros K,"" include the Federation of Land and Housing (FTV) led by Luis D'Elia, Movement of Unemployed Workers - Evita (MTD-Evita) directed by Emilio Persico, and ""The Guys"" (Los Pibes) led by Lito Borello. The Foot Neighborhoods
(Barrios de Pie),led by Jorge Ceballos, was also closely allied to NK. Two Barrios de Pie leaders worked in the national government in the ministries of Social Development and Foreign Affairs until December 2008, when they split from the Kirchners due to ideological differences. Ceballos ran unsuccessfully for national deputy in the June 28 legislative elections under the alliance New Encounter (Nuevo Encuentro). Nonetheless, despite sharing similar goals and views, key piquetero leaders compete with one another for government resources and attention. A sociologist who has studied the movement for seven years succinctly described their
relations: ""they hate each other."" Luis D'Elia and the Federation of Land and Housing -------------- -------------- 5. (SBU) The most notorious of the piquetero leaders, Luis D'Elia, has led the Federation of Land and Housing (FTV) since the 1990s. With some 125,000 members, the FTV is the largest piquetero group. Although a vocal Kirchner supporter, D'Elia reportedly feuded with NK on the grounds that his group was insufficiently represented in the
government's list of candidates for the June mid-terms. D'Elia publicly criticized NK for not meeting with him to discuss his candidates' positions on the Kirchner-allied ruling Victory Front's (FpV) slate and for ""mistreating"" him. He publicly requested a meeting with NK to negotiate places on the FpV's candidate slate, but was received instead by Interior Minister Florencio Randazzo and Intelligence
Secretariat (SIDE) chief Hector Icazuriaga. According to press reports, D'Elia wanted between 30 and 40 seats ranging from town council to deputy and senatorial positions. Perhaps to curry favor with the Kirchners prior to the May 9 deadline to name candidate slates, D'Elia organized a 5,000 to 10,000-person march on May 7 in support of the FpV. The crowd carried the banner ""we won't let (Vice President) Cobos be President on June 29."" Despite D'Elia's efforts,
candidate slates were announced May 9 (ref C),with only one
spot, fairly low on the list, for his organization (in this case D'Elia's wife). Nonetheless, D'Elia remains publicly supportive of the Kirchners. 6. (SBU) Since 2003, D'Elia has led several marches (some violent) supporting the administrations of President Cristina
Fernandez de Kirchner (CFK) and NK. In March 2008, D'Elia led violent protests during the government's conflict with the farm sector over CFK's bill to raise agricultural export taxes. (Criminal assault charges against D'Elia for publicly punching a farmer protesting Kirchner policies have stalled in the courts but remain pending.) In June 2008, he organized another march against the farm sector after
circulating a rumor that former President Eduardo Duhalde, in
alliance with farmers and the Clarin media group, was organizing a coup against CFK. In January 2009, D'Elia led a march against the Israeli Embassy to protest Israeli military action in the Gaza Strip.

7. (C) Viscerally anti-American, D'Elia was the key organizer behind the ""counter-summit"" to the Summit of Americas attended by then-President Bush in Mar del Plata in November 2005. Many reports indicated that D'Elia's funding for the alternate summit and many other (often anti-U.S.) activities came from Venezuela's Hugo Chavez. D'Elia himself admitted during an August 2007 television interview that Chavez provided funds to his group to pay for the militants'
transportation costs. Later, during a December 2008 interview with the weekly news magazine ""Noticias,"" D'Elia acknowledged that he received $1 million from Cuba to pay for buses for the militants (ref B) but did not mention any Venezuelan financial support. D'Elia has denied, however, press speculation that the infamous suitcase (stuffed with USD 800,000 and seized by Argentine customs in August 2007) was from Chavez and destined for D'Elia's organization (ref C). 8. (C) A fiery orator, D'Elia, an Argentine of Palestinian
heritage who identifies himself racially as ""black,"" is well-known for his invective-strewn remarks against the urban ""white"" middle- and upper-class. D'Elia has served as NK's alter-ego, promoting ugly, racist opinions without explicitly tying the GOA to his words. Indeed, in March 2008 when tensions were high between the government and the farm sector, D'Elia, said he would ""not have problems in killing
all of them (the oligarchs)"" in a clear reference to what he perceived as the wealthy farm sector and its supporters. This rhetoric damaged the Piqueteros' public image in the eyes of Argentina's middle class, 40% of whom approved of the piqueteros during Argentina's economic crisis in 2001/2002. (Note: Current polls indicate that 70% of the middle class disapprove of the piqueteros.) According to a Poliarquia poll conducted nationwide in November 2008, 59% of Argentines surveyed held a negative impression of D'Elia, while only 8% viewed him favorably. 9. (C) D'Elia craves and capitalizes on the media attention his marches and close relations with the Kirchners have garnered him. According to newspaper-of-record ""La Nacion,""
he called the political satire program ""Big-Brother-in-Law,"" (""Gran Cunado"") a bi-weekly political satire program, to remind the show to include him in its impersonations of Argentina's most politically ambitious. D'Elia is a ""smart leader who takes radical positions,"" according to an Argentine sociologist and professor who has studied the piquetero movement for seven years and knows some of its
leaders. The sociologist asserts that D'Elia's punch of a farm sector supporter, which was caught on video during a March 2008 protest, was a calculated decision to prevent the media from running a storyline that he and his movement had weakened. (Note: There is currently a criminal case pending against D'Elia for this incident.) D'Elia's brother has publicly described D'Elia as ""very difficult to stop... (and) very convinced of his own views."" ran Connection
-------------- 10. (SBU) A former teacher and union member, D'Elia initially ran for the Buenos Aires government in 1997 as a member of
former President Fernando de La Rua,s Alianza-FREPASO ticket. With the worsening economy, D'Elia left Alianza and joined the Central Trabajadores Argentinos (CTA),the unofficial Workers' Confederation that split from the official General Confederation of Workers (CGT) in the 1990s and has been seeking legal recognition since then. While in the CTA, D'Elia launched FTV. In February 2006, D'Elia was named Under Secretary of Land and Housing, a portfolio
created for him by NK, according to local press. NK dismissed him in November 2006 shortly after D'Elia expressed public support for Iran and denounced GOA warrants against Iranians accused of participating in the bombing of the Buenos Aires Jewish Cultural center (AMIA) as part of a ""Jewish Lobby"" plot. In 2007, D'Elia traveled to Iran at the invitation of the Iranian government. Although D'Elia no longer holds a government post, he has an office in the GOA's National Commission of Land and Housing (formerly
Undersecretariat for Land and Housing),where he conducts
daily meetings and acts as de-facto chief managing a budget
of 14,500,000 pesos (approximately USD 4.2 million),according to a March 2008 article from ""La Nacion."" D'Elia was born in 1957 in Buenos Aires Province. He is married and has two children. Emilio Persico and MTD-Evita -------------- 11. (SBU) Although MTD-Evita is a smaller piquetero organization, its leader, Emilio Persico, regularly organizes large, vocal groups to support the Kirchners. Politically opportunistic, Persico founded MTD-Evita in 2003, just as the piqueteros were beginning to gain power under the Kirchners.
While Persico does not command a large group, he is able to
organize the piquetero networks when the Kirchners need them
and can be expected to draw at least 2,000 to most marches.
In September 2007, Persico participated in a protest outside the U.S. Embassy calling for the release of the five Cuban spies detained in Miami. Before founding MTD-Evita, he co-founded Quebracho, a more violent piquetero group with roots in the 1970s Montonero movement. 12. (SBU) Persico's political influence derives more from his position as the Peronist party's secretary for relations with
social organizations. In that capacity, he reports to NK in the latter's function as PJ president. The piquetero expert and sociologist we consulted said that of all the piquetero leaders, Persico is the most opportunistic and in that vein has sought to maintain the strongest relations with the Kirchners. Nonetheless, Persico's relations with the Kirchners were probably diminished somewhat when in mid-March he told the press that if the Kirchners lost the June midterms ""(Vice President) Cobos and the Clarin Group could take over."" Many press interpreters characterized the remarks as Persico's dim-witted repetition of NK's for-private-consumption-only grousing. Persico sought to rectify his apparent blunder by remarking that he meant he
did not want the country to be left in the hands of Cobos and his ilk (ref D). 13. (SBU) Like D'Elia, Persico has previous government
experience. He served in 2006 as vice cabinet chief for former Buenos Aires Governor Felipe Sola. (Note: In the June mid-terms, Sola won a national deputy candidate seat under the Union-Pro slate, ref E.) During a 2006 press interview, Persico acknowledged his ""unconditional identification with Kirchner's popular project,"" and stated that MTD-Evita would help ""unite all social organizations as they integrate their vision into the national government."" Born in 1958, Persico hails from a wealthy family. His extended family owns a popular ice-cream chain in Buenos Aires. Among the least educated piquetero leaders, Persico was expelled from high school and never returned to complete his degree. Lito Borello and Los Pibes -------------- 14. (SBU) Los Pibes' director Lito Borello is known as a militant piquetero in the traditional confrontational style.
He openly supports the Kirchners, and has received from their
governments several grants for projects to improve the living conditions of poor residents of the La Boca area of Buenos Aires Federal District. A long-time local Buenos Aires city piquetero leader, Borello joined D'Elia in 2004 in the siege of a police station after the police shot a fellow piquetero leader. Borello's main goals are to give the piquetero organizations a political role and incorporate their vision
and dialogue into the GOA, rather than march against it. 15. (SBU) Borello founded Los Pibes in 1996 in response to the economic situation and poverty in La Boca. Los Pibes, which had its start as soup kitchen, now serves a community of 250 families, building houses, providing after school activities, adult education, and textile jobs. Los Pibes Food Director Nadia Martinez praised the Kirchner
government's social inclusion policies, especially the Ministry of Social Development (directed by NK's sister, Alicia),noting that it had funded several of their projects aimed at integrating the community and providing job-training. In contrast to reports that projects are not
tied to true work, Martinez reported that the Kirchner administration carefully monitors each of their projects. She contrasted the Kirchners' inclusive policies Buenos Aires City Mayor Mauricio Macri,s more top-down projects, which she claimed do not include integration and capacity building and little citizen involvement. Martinez noted that Los Pibes also hosts several foreign students annually who
participate in community internship projects. 16. (SBU) Borello has limited government experience. He briefly worked in Buenos Aires city government for former Mayor Jorge Telerman as part of an agreement between the city and the human rights organization, Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo. This agreement stipulated that social organizations would actively participate in the design, designation, and administration of social projects. Borello left the position
because he believed the city government was not trying to incorporate the piquetero perspective, but was only paying lip service to the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo. Borello lives in a humble boarding house. Comment -------------- }17. (C) The Kirchners' relations with piquetero leaders can best be described as a marriage of convenience. Given the piqueteros' limited representation on candidate slates in the June 28 elections, it appears that NK is seeking some distance, at least temporarily. In the wake of NK's
second-place finish in Buenos Aires province, he is probably wary of being identified too closely with the piqueteros' strident rhetoric and violent tendencies, even though individual leaders such as D'Elia and Persico have sometimes been identified as among his most trusted and cosseted allies. KELLY