REGIONAL ELECTIONS: PLAYING ROUGH IN BRATISLAVA

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 BRATISLAVA 000481 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/13/2019 TAGS: PGOV PHUM LO SUBJECT: REGIONAL ELECTIONS: PLAYING ROUGH IN BRATISLAVA REF: A. BRATISLAVA 472 B. BRATISLAVA 461 BRATISLAVA 00000481 001.2 OF 002 CLASSIFIED BY: Keith A. Eddins, Charge d'Affaires, a.i., State. REASON: 1.4 (b),(d) ¶1. (U) After a Bratislava municipal deputy questioned the decision of the Dubravka Mayor (Dubravka is a district of Bratislava) to offer a sweetheart lease to a reputed mobster, the deputy's car was torched. The deputy, Martin Zatovic (SDKU),believes he has a good chance to be elected on November 14 to the regional parliament, but is discouraged by the corruption that marks local government and an inability to marshal support to hold leaders accountable for non-transparent and deleterious deals, such as the above-mentioned lease. Needless to say, after his car was burned, he is also anxious for the safety of his family. He surmises that his critique of the restaurant deal -- only the latest instance in which he has raised potentially uncomfortable questions -- may have been the impetus for the act, which he views as part of a broader effort to boost the chances of a competing Smer candidate. We have heard from numerous political contacts that Smer is playing hardball and spending exorbitant sums in an attempt to capture heretofore right-leaning Bratislava in the regional elections. ¶2. (U) Zatovic, a middle-school teacher, entered municipal politics in 2006. He told us that was motivated by a desire to improve the quality of schools. Although the school at which he teaches is state-run, the school rents its building from the city. Under the previous mayor, the school's rent was discounted commensurate with the amount it invested in capital improvements. The current mayor, Jan Sandtner (independent, but close to Smer),cancelled that agreement. The result: the school is struggling to maintain the property and its ability to invest elsewhere is sorely limited. ¶3. (U) When Zatovic recently learned that Mayor Sandtner had, without consulting the Council, agreed to lease a profitable restaurant located in Dubravka's `House of Culture' for 9 years and 11 months to a reputed mafian, Libor Jaksik, he began to ask questions. Under the Jaksik's lease, all but 3333 euro of the total cost can be deducted to offset the costs of improvements or renovations. If the renters of the lucrative restaurant, a local mafia family, could obtain such a sweetheart deal, why not the Dubravka gymnasium? The mayor responded that he had no obligation to consult the council on the decision, since the lease is for less than 10 years. Under a newly adopted law designed precisely to curb this sort of practice, mayors must received approval for leases lasting 10 years or more. (For more information on the Jaksik family, see Bratislava 472.) ¶4. (U) Zatovic told us that even before this issue arose, he had become a thorn in the mayor's side by questioning him on other non-transparent deals. In one case, the British International School (which several Embassy children attend) gave the city an approximately 66,000 euro donation to fund the construction of a sports center. The donation was part of the deal under which the school obtained a 30-year lease from the city. The mayor has rejected proposals for potential sites for the sports hall and declared that the donation will go into the `general' budget. We do not know whether the British School is aware of what has become of its gift. ¶5. (U) In August, Zatovic received a `friendly' call from a Smer MP, who suggested he stop filing FOIA requests about the city's activities because he liked Zatovic and didn't want anything to happen to him. Zatovic said he discounted the call at the time. It was only days after Zatovic spoke out against the Jaksik deal -- in the council meeting and on radio -- that he awoke to find his car engulfed in flames outside of his apartment. Police and fireman on the scene concluded that the fire had started in the adjacent car. Eyewitnesses dispute this. Adding to the suspicion that this event was related, at least in part, to Zatovic's criticism of the restaurant, was the sighting of a member of the Jaksik family walking by the car the following day. After his car was burned, Zatovic viewed the August phone call in a new light. ¶6. (C) Zatovic offered a broader theory as to why he might be the target of intimidation: also running from the Dubravka area is a Smer candidate named Peter Hanulik. Hanulik, a well-connected businessman, and his wife -- the mayor of BRATISLAVA 00000481 002.2 OF 002 neighboring district Karlova Ves -- are believed to have made a mint privatizing various services and municipal assets in the two districts. Having Hanulik in the regional parliament would help broaden Smer's reach in Bratislava. According to Zatovic, it is rumored that Hanulik, who was fifth on the list of Smer MEP candidates last summer (he did not make the threshold),has been told that if he doesn't win this race, he has no future with Smer. Zatovic named Construction Ministry State Secretary Martin Glvac (Smer Party Chairman for Bratislava) and `entrepreneur' Marian Kocner as Halunik backers. Glvac has a reputation for corruption; Kocner's is even worse. ¶7. (C) The regional elections are not, as we have earlier reported, likely to be a good indicator of the June 2010 elections. That said, our political contacts have told us that Smer is playing much harder -- and spending much more money -- than expected. Particularly in Bratislava, a traditional bastion of right-wing, liberal parties, Smer appears to be pulling out the stops. This may include allowing the rough elements in Slovak society a freer hand in intimidating enemies who happen also to be inconvenient for Smer interests. Zatovic ruefully laughed at the seeming absurdity of such an act of violence against a small-town municipal deputy (he is one of 31). But his wife, who had been considering joining the new SAS party (ref b),told us that she had concluded that it was not in her family's interest for her to enter the political arena, as well. The Zatovics have told their children that the torching of their car was an accident in an effort to calm their fears. ¶8. (U) SDKU MP Zitnanska raised the incident with Interior Minister Kalinak the day after it occurred. Kalinak reportedly told her that the initial information suggested that the fire had started in the car parked next to that of Zatovic, so he wasn't likely the target. Nonetheless, he pledged that police would investigate thoroughly. According to Zatovic, the police have not been at the scene since the night of the fire, he has not spoken with any police representatives, and the burned carcasses still sit in front of his apartment. In the intervening days, thieves have stripped the destroyed vehicles of any salvageable parts. Zatovic has hired a well-regarded attorney to represent him, but he is not optimistic that the perpetrator will be identified or prosecuted. Comment ¶9. (C) We were impressed by Zatovic's determination and apparent integrity. Although he sought to downplay his anxiety, it was clear that the incident had taken a toll on him and his wife and children. We are becoming aware of more cases in which individuals are subject to threats and intimidation because they seek transparency and fair enforcement of existing laws and regulations. To name just a few recent examples: anonymous death threats against citizens in Eastern Slovakia who protested the construction of a coal fired plant in their town and the journalist who covered the story; public calls by the Chief Justice for a criminal investigation of an NGO critical of the government; this same NGO has had its premises breached on multiple occasions; the police action against the Franciscan Monastery in Bratislava, which is led by a priest who spoke in favor of opposition presidential candidate Radicova; the firing of Telecom regulator Macaj; and attempts by government officials and politicians to intimidate the media through libel suits. EDDINS