UNGA: WESTERN HEMISPHERE DELEGATIONS

C O N F I D E N T I A L USUN NEW YORK 001197 SIPDIS PLEASE PASS TO GRENADA E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/22/2018 TAGS: ECON PGOV PHUM PREL UNGA XK XL XM SUBJECT: UNGA: WESTERN HEMISPHERE DELEGATIONS REF: A. (A) USUN NEW YORK 1086 ¶B. (B) USUN NEW YORK 0997 (C) USUN NEW YORK 1103 (D) USUN NEW YORK 1139 (E) USUN NEW YORK 1138 Classified By: MIN COUN JEFFREY DELAURENTIS FOR REASONS 1.4 (B&D) ¶1. (C) SUMMARY: This cable reviews the activities of Western Hemisphere delegations at the 63rd Session of the UN General Assembly. At the opening of the Session, twenty-five heads of state from the Western Hemisphere participated in the General Debate. Incoming President of the General Assembly (PGA) Miguel d'Escoto opened with and has continued criticism of the United States. The world economic crisis figured prominently in this year's speeches. In UN elections, Mexico was elected to a temporary seat on the UNSC. Brazil is on the schedule to join the Council in 2010. Meanwhile, over the past year the U.S. has enjoyed good working relationships with temporary Council members Costa Rica and Panama. Besides the PGA, several other regional diplomats played important roles at the UNGA. One of the session's signature events was the appearance of Bolivia's President Morales to publicize his country's constitutional process and to justify his expulsion of the U.S. Ambassador. On human rights, WHA delegations were instrumental in achieving our high priority human rights objectives. They were also helpful on the Defamation of Religions resolution and on anti-Israeli resolutions. The U.S. worked productively with the Caribbeans this year in supporting their UNGA priorities and they in turn were helpful on human rights votes and were natural allies in resisting the Europeans' death penalty resolution. For the sixteenth time, the Cubans' resolution on the embargo was approved by an overwhelming vote with the PGA gratuitously celebrating that victory. The Inter-religious Dialogue underscored the diversity of the region's member states. END SUMMARY GENERAL DEBATE ¶2. (U) The United Nations General Assembly officially begins with the General Debate and most Western Hemisphere governments send their heads of state. This year twenty-five (Presidents and Prime Ministers) out of a total of thirty-four came to New York. Five, Belize, Nicaragua, Peru, Trinidad and Tobago and Uruguay sent their Foreign Ministers. Canada, in the throes of an election, was represented by its Deputy Foreign Minister. Ecuador, occupied with a constitutional referendum, let its Permanent Representative do the honors. Venezuela sent a special emissary, its acerbic Ambassador to the OAS Roy Chaderton. Cuba's head of delegation was the aging revolutionary Vice President Jose Ramon Machado Ventura. 3.(U) After Secretary General Ban Ki Moon's state of the world opening remarks, the new President of the General Assembly,former Nicaraguan Foreign Minister Miguel d'Escoto, made an unusually long and polemical statement. He led off regretting the relative insignificance of the GA and called for democratization of the UN and for making GA decisions binding on member states. He illustrated his point with the example of the Cuban embargo which, although "patently unjust and universally repudiated, remains firmly in place." Beginning the six-day marathon of speeches was Brazil always the first to speak--a tradition dating back to the first General Assembly. President Lula sharply focused on the "financial disasters that threaten the world economy" and the inability of current international economic institutions to inhibit "the boundless greed" of speculators. Many speakers that followed would echo his theme that "entirely new foundations" are required. Also among the first speakers, Argentina's President Kirchner promoted the GOA proposal for an international convention on forced disappearances. In a side event at the UN building, the Argentines featured the work of the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo. Later in the day, Bolivia's Evo Morales delivered a fiery oration that condemned U.S. interference in his country and showcased his "Ten commandments to save the planet, humankind and life" -- First Commandment:"To end with Capitalism." (Multiple copies were distributed and available in the side corridors.) Similarly, the next day, Honduras' President Zelaya delivered a blistering indictment of the "immorality" of the current economic system and called for an end to imperialism. 4.(U) President Oscar Arias of Costa Rica made one of the best speeches, championing the poor, disarmament, human rights and global interdependence. It was short, eloquent and high-minded. Chile's Bachelet was also impressive offering her country as an example of how to eradicate poverty. Mexico's Calderon anticipated his delegation's joining the Security Council to promote democratic ideals and the rule of law and called for a new "integral" look at migration with "shared responsibility among countries of origin, transit and destiny." Colombia's Uribe used a barrage of statistics to document his country's progress and espoused shared responsibility to combat drug trafficking. As usual, Cuba's speech lashed out at imperial domination and an unfair economic system and concluded with a sharp attack on the U.S. "which continues to ruthlessly apply their blockade." Venezuela's Chaderton in a speech heavily laced with sarcasm presented a Bolivarian view of a world in which we are witnessing the end of the "neo-liberal nightmare." Nicaragua's Foreign Minister Santos' speech was much toned down from President Ortega's confrontational approach last year. It contained almost no anti-U.S. rhetoric. With this year's particularly active hurricane season, recurring themes from the Caribbean speakers were climate change and natural disasters (especially Haiti's tremendous needs). . SECURITY COUNCIL EXPANSION 5.(U) Brazil, along with Japan, Germany and India, have been pushing the UN to begin serious intergovernmental negotiations toward an expansion of the UNSC. A number of WHA countries including Mexico, Chile, Argentina and Colombia have been less than enthusiastic and have been active participants in the United for Consensus group resisting such a course of action. One of the most raucous sessions at the GA was the last meeting of the Open Ended Working Group on UNSC reform where Mexico and Colombia were some of the most outspoken delegates opposing a timeline for intergovernmental negotiations. Despite a subsequent ill-fated attempt by the PGA to start them earlier, those negotiations will finally begin in February 2009. Meanwhile, Brazil is likely to join the UNSC as a temporary member for a term beginning in January 2010. UN ELECTIONS 6.(C) Mexico was elected without opposition to fill the temporary seat on the UN Security Council being vacated by Panama in January 2009. Next year the Group of Latin American and the Caribbean States (GRULAC) currently has Brazil registered as the candidate to replace Costa Rica on the Council. Colombia had originally signed up for the 2010-2011 term but in October agreed with Brazil to switch positions and is now seeking eventual GRULAC endorsement for the 2011-2012 term. There was also no contest for the GRULAC seats up for election in the Economic and Social Council. The four GRULAC vacancies were filled by Guatemala, St. Kitts-Nevis, Peru and Venezuela for the 2009-2011 term. For the first time in several years the GRULAC appears to have worked out a rotational system for selecting their candidates that avoids the bruising internecine contests of the past. Last year's UNGA fight for a Security Council seat between Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic was divisive and the even more acrimonious Venezuela/Guatemala stand-off in 2006 went on for days. PROMINENT WHA DIPLOMATS 7.(C) In addition to PGA Miguel d'Escoto, a number of other WHA diplomats have played prominent roles at this General Assembly. Costa Rica assumed the Presidency of the UNSC for the month of November. Their Presidency was marked by a thematic debate on disarmament with President Oscar Arias himself presiding over the session. Fellow Council member Panama's Vice President and Foreign Minister Samuel Lewis also attended. Highly respected Paraguayan Permanent Representative Eladio Loizaga, who is finishing up his tour in New York, served as one of the co-facilitators of the Ad-hoc Working Group on General Assembly Revitalization. Argentine Ambassador Jorge Arguello, a popular figure among his peers, chaired the Fourth Committee. He did a reasonably good job of it, but his tenure will be most remembered for Argentina's unsuccessful attempt to amend a resolution with non-germane language designed to advance Argentina's case in the Falklands/Malvinas dispute with the U.K. Honduras' well-regarded Deputy Permanent Representative Marco Antonio Suazo did an excellent job in chairing the Disarmament and International Security Committee. 8.(C) Antigua and Barbuda was the chair of the Group of 77 this year. The G-77 has not been as cohesive as in past years in pursuing what has been an usually unhelpful course in the UNGA. It is therefore something of a blessing that Ambassador John Ashe does not seem to have distinguished himself as the chief spokesman of the group. Symptomatic of the breakdown in discipline, USUN was pleased to see Antigua abstain on the key Iran no-action motion in the Third Committee. Meanwhile, Bolivian Permanent Representative Siles Alvarado has emerged as one of PGA d'Escoto's favorites of the twenty-one Vice Presidents of the General Assembly. D'Escoto often turned the gavel over to him during key debates. Siles has also become more outspoken than last year. During Costa Rica's thematic debate on disarmament, Siles delivered an impassioned speech denouncing the opposition's massacre of innocent farmers and indirectly condemned the U.S. as a one of several "petty countries that promotes war." (REF C) EVO MORALES AT THE UN 9.(U) The Bolivian profile at this session was made even more pronounced when Ambassador Siles orchestrated President Evo Morales' appearance at the UNGA on November 17 (REF A). It is unusual but not unheard of for a Head of State to be given a forum at the GA. Morales used the visit to present his version of Bolivia's constitutional process and to discredit his opposition. In the press conference after the speech, he unloaded on the U.S. including the expelled U.S. Ambassador and DEA. PGA d'Escoto was by his side and introduced him as an "emblematic figure." Morales also made an appearance at Fordham University before heading off to Washington for a similar road show at the Organization of American States. CENTRAL AMERICANS IN THE SECURITY COUNCIL 10.(C) In the UNSC, we have enjoyed good working relationships with both Costa Rica and Panama. When the chips are down, we can count on their votes. With Mexico joining the Council in January 2009 and even more so with Brazil in 2010, we may well find our hemispheric allies more frequently taking positions different from our own. This is not to say that things have always gone smoothly with Costa Rica and Panama. Both have a penchant for insisting on procedural niceties which complicate expeditious management of the many high-priority issues before the Council. Costa Rica, in particular, is determined to change the culture of the Council and make it more accessible to other member states. The GOCR's Foreign Minister, the former Permanent Representative, has charged his delegation with that goal and the Council is often tangled in time-consuming efforts to change established working methods. HUMAN RIGHTS RESOLUTIONS 11.(C) Our concerted efforts in New York and capitals paid off in the battle for approval of Third Committee country-specific human rights resolutions. We held onto the votes of old friends in WHA and managed to win some new ones. The U.S. and the Canadians even more so were worried about a "no-action" motion on our highest priority, the Iran resolution. It survived a "no action" motion last year by only one vote and there were ominous reports of heavy lobbying by Iran. But again this year there was a core group of about fifteen Latin and Caribbean states that held fast and were critical to achieving our human rights objectives. New governments and other developments in several countries introduced numerous uncertainties in counting votes. One that we were watching this year was Ecuador. Its capable new Permanent Representative, however, finally confirmed that Ecuador would on principle continue voting "no" on "no action" motions and would abstain on the substantive resolutions on all three specific-country resolutions. Notably, however, for the GA plenary vote December 18, the Ecuadorans broke with this pattern to vote against the Iran substantive resolution and for two hostile Iranian amendments. This came after President Correa's official visit to Tehran. St. Lucia's new government proved strongly supportive and voted with us down the line. Honduras, newly a member of the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), nonetheless could not have been more supportive in Third Committee votes. Another four to six WHA delegations were mostly or somewhat helpful. This year, Colombia and Haiti notably joined this group, providing critical votes against "no action" motions. In addition, there were six Caribbeans that abstained on all the human rights votes, More harmful were the four, Bolivia, Suriname, Barbados and Antigua and Barbuda, that voted for "no action" while abstaining on the substantive resolutions. (The one exception was Antigua which abstained on the Iran "no action" motion.) It is noteworthy, that Barbados, despite its exemplary human rights record, has consistently followed this pattern in recent years. On the other hand, Dominica, despite becoming a member of the ALBA, abstained on all human rights votes. Similarly, Grenada with a more left-wing government also did no harm with its consistent abstentions. Finally, there is our opposition, the three hard-line opponents of country-specific resolutions: Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela that voted for "no action" motions and against the substantive resolutions.(REF E) When the Third Committee resolutions were approved in the GA plenary on December 18, our WHA support held firm, in fact two more WHA delegations (St. Kitts and Belize) moved from abstention and voted against the Iran "no action" motion. DEFAMATION OF RELIGIONS AND ANTI-ISRAELI RESOLUTIONS 12.(SBU) Another priority for us this year was to improve or defeat the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) resolution on Combating Defamation of Religions. This was a major item in our consultations with WHA Missions in New York. We could not obtain sufficient improvement in the OIC draft, and it went to a vote in Third Committee:85-50 (US) with 42 abstentions. This compares to last year's vote of 95-52 (US) with 30 abstentions. (Fifteen countries were absent for the vote both years.) WHA countries were especially helpful in reducing the mandate of this resolution, giving hope that the OIC will reconsider the objectionable language next year. While only the U.S. and Canada voted against it, seven WHA member states went from last year's "yes" vote to either abstain or be absent (Belize, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Saint Lucia, Trinidad and Tobago and Uruguay). In addition, St. Kitts-Nevis went from absent to abstain. WHA delegations thus went from majority "yes" to majority abstain, providing almost half of the abstentions. In the GA plenary vote on December 18, WHA delegations were even more helpful with three more abstaining and one, Belize, joining the U.S. and Canada in voting against the resolution. Similarly on our three priority anti-Israeli resolutions, there was some improvement in WHA voting patterns. El Salvador moved from "yes" to abstain on two on them; Honduras on one. Haiti changed its "yes" vote to abstain on two other unbalanced Middle East resolutions. As they did last year, WHA member states provided twelve of the seventy-three abstentions on the third of the three priority resolutions. DEATH PENALTY RESOLUTION 13.(U) One of the most hotly contested items again this year was the EU's resolution in Third Committee calling for a moratorium on the use of the death penalty. Reflecting our different legal traditions, no issue is quite as divisive for the region. Canada and all of the Latins except Cuba voted for the EU resolution; the U.S. and all of the Caribbeans except Haiti and Suriname voted against it -- a twenty to thirteen split (right down the Napoleonic Code/Common Law divide). Cuba and Suriname both abstained. Emotions ran high in the debate. At one point, the St. Vincent-Grenadines Permanent Representative castigated the Europeans for smugly patting themselves on the back. The Caribbeans voted with us through five unsuccessful attempts to amend the EU resolution and on the final vote that approved it 105-48 (U.S.) with 31 abstentions. CUBAN EMBARGO 14.(U) This was the sixteenth year that Cuba has run a resolution in the General Assembly condemning the U.S. embargo. The resolution was as usual approved by an overwhelming majority--185-3 (U.S., Israel, Palau) with 2 abstentions (Marshall Islands and Micronesia). Iraq and El Salvador absented themselves from the vote. There were the same number of speakers on this item as last year but with a slightly different line-up. Of the thirty speakers, only Norway and France, speaking for the EU, called attention to human rights problems in Cuba. Echoing his statement on the first day of the session (above),PGA d'Escoto gratuitously noted that the United States has been "rightfully repudiated and condemned" and stated that "we will do all we can to insure the overwhelming opinion here is no longer flouted." (REF B) CARICOM PRIORITIES 15.(SBU) It was a productive year for U.S.-CARICOM cooperation in the UNGA. They were pretty good on our high-priority human rights votes (above) and the U.S. was able to support all three of the priority resolutions put forward by the CARICOM countries. We were co-sponsors of the CARICOM resolution on erecting a permanent monument to victims of slavery at UN headquarters. We joined consensus on the Caribbean-United Nations Cooperation resolution with a explanation that the call for reopening the field office of the UN Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention should be within budgetary constraints. We were even able to join consensus on the Caribbean Sea as a Zone of Sustainable Development resolution despite our general reservations about creating such special zones. On Haiti, the Security Council with our strong support approved without opposition another one-year extension of the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). In addition, a flash appeal was issued in September by the UN Office of the Coordinator for Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in response to Hurricane Gustav and Tropical Storm Hanna. So far about fifty percent of the $104 million requested has been collected. INTER-RELIGIOUS DIALOGUE 16.(SBU) At the urging of the Saudis, this year's UNGA featured a two-day, well-publicized High Level Inter-religious Dialogue under the Culture of Peace agenda item. A number of heads of state, including President Bush, joined the debate. Although Canada and several Latins participated, WHA countries were not prominent in this event and were represented at a lower level, usually Permanent Representatives. Paraguay provided the highest-ranking speaker, a Senator and member of the Foreign Relations Committee. Although most WHA presentations were not particularly memorable, some offered insights on our diverse region. Indeed, the Brazilian and Canadian were most emphatic in their embrace of diversity. The Bolivian reiterated some of President Morales' talking points calling for an end to the capitalist system and life in harmony with Mother Earth. The Cuban (always keen on building coalitions) avoided mention of religion except in the context of embracing the OIC's position on defamation of religions. The Chilean, on the other hand, emphasized that freedom of expression and opinion was intended to protect individuals not entities or belief systems -- a position the U.S. strongly supported in the defamation of religions debate. COMMENT: 17.(C) As anticipated, PGA Miguel d'Escoto has repeatedly demonstrated anti-U.S. views and has frequently attempted to shape the General Assembly to conform with his particular ideological vision. This was recently most evident is his clumsy efforts to exclude the U.S. from the commemorative event on the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Fortunately there is a limit to how much damage he can do. Despite the region's increased political diversity, we were notably successful in achieving our highest priority human rights objectives in the Third Committee. WHA votes were critical for that success as our regional alliance on human rights and democracy issues held firm. We were also able this year to work more productively with the Caribbeans. Nonetheless, with the PGA's connivance, we may see the UNGA becomes a more frequent forum for the region's populist regimes. The Venezuelan delegation, however, seemed disorganized this year and has not been particularly effective in promoting its world view. New members of Chavez's regional organization, the ALBA, have not necessarily fallen into line behind BRV positions. The Cubans on the other hand remain disciplined and relentless in their attempts to undermine our interests. Khalilzad