CIVIL SOCIETY STRIKES BACK, OR AT LEAST IT TRIES

C O N F I D E N T I A L TUNIS 000868 SIPDIS NEA/MAG (NARDI/STEWART); DRL (JOHNSTONE/KLARMAN) LONDON AND PARIS FOR NEA WATCHER E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/31/2018 TAGS: PHUM PGOV PREL KDEM KPAO TS SUBJECT: CIVIL SOCIETY STRIKES BACK, OR AT LEAST IT TRIES TO (PART II OF II) REF: A. TUNIS 864 ¶B. TUNIS 826 ¶C. TUNIS 615 Classified By: Ambassador Robert F. Godec for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) -------------- Summary -------------- ¶1. (C) Despite the harassment and intimidation of Tunisian opposition and civil society groups (Ref A),many groups persist in their activism. In spite of limits on their freedom of maneuver, several have managed to overcome government-imposed restrictions to attract attention to their causes, sometimes using extreme measures, for example hunger strikes. Their success in effecting change, however, has been limited. Ultimately, this will require the GOT to buy in to the notion that greater political openness is in its interest. We know that there are some within the GOT who advocate political reform. Sustained progress on freedoms likely hinges more on the ability of such reformers to change the government from within, than it does on the ability of activists to impose change from outside. ¶2. (C) This is the second in a two-part series on civil society. Part I focused on the means the GOT uses to target activists. Part II examines activists' attempts to advance their reform-oriented goals, notwithstanding GOT pressures. End Summary. -------------- An Uphill Struggle... -------------- ¶3. (C) Given the limits on freedom of expression and freedom of association, civil society groups have only a few options to get their message heard. Hunger strikes have became increasingly popular after a broad range of Tunisian civil society, including secular opposition political leaders, human rights activists, Islamists, and lawyers came together under the banner of "the Movement of 18 October" in October 2005. The movement launched a hunger strike to call for freedom of association, freedom of the press, and the release of political prisoners timed to coincide with the World Summit on the Information Society. Over the last ten months there have been over a half-dozen hunger strikes in Tunisia. The most significant of those were: - The current and former Secretaries General of the opposition Progressive Democratic Party, Maya Jribi and Nejib Chebbi, went on a hunger strike in September 2007 to protest nine nearly simultaneous eviction proceedings against their regional and national offices. The month-long hunger strike garnered international attention and a visit from the US Ambassador. Ultimately, a compromise was reached. - In November 2007, Mohamed Nouri and Slim Boukhdhir went on a two-week hunger strike protesting restrictions on freedom of movement. Nouri and Boukhdhir ended the hunger strike after they were promised passports, but Boukhdhir was subsequently arrested. He was sentenced to a year in prison on January 18, but was released early on July 21. Boukhdhir also engaged in a several week-long hunger strike while he was in prison, protesting his harsh prison conditions. - In November 2007, several high school teachers went on a 38-day hunger strike, saying that they had been dismissed because of their political activities and not for cause. - The Editor-in-Chief and a writer for the PDP's Arabic-weekly al-Mowqif went on a fifteen-day hunger strike in April 2008 when the distribution of the paper was disrupted and the editors were sued for libel. The strikers asserted that the libel cases were in retaliation for Chebbi's presidential bid. - Activist Said Rahmani went on a hunger strike on May 20 to protest police harassment. Rahmani suffered from diabetes and died on May 22. -------------- ...With Uneven Results -------------- ¶4. (C) However popular as a tool for expressing opposition, the effectiveness of hunger strikes is questionable. The PDP's 2007 strike garnered international attention, but a judge still signed an eviction order for their party headquarters. A government-prompted deal between the PDP and its landlord was only reached after the Ambassador visited Chebbi and Jribi and EU member nations sent a letter to President Ben Ali expressing humanitarian concern about the hunger strikers. As for the strike of Nouri and Boukhdhir, while Nouri received his passport after his hunger strike, Slim Boukhdhir was subsequently incarcerated. Moreover, Boukhdhir's July 21 early release was probably due more to behind-the-scenes diplomatic intervention than his hunger strike (Ref B). The striking high school teachers were not reinstated, and the outcome of the libel case pending against al-Mowqif is uncertain. The main argument in favor of hunger strikes is that, unlike demonstrations or sit-ins, they cannot be forcibly stopped by security forces, and they represent a concrete measure activists can take to draw attention to their grievances. -------------- Reaching Out Via Satellite TV -------------- ¶5. (C) Access to domestic media outlets is restricted, but activists have been able to get their voices heard on pan-Arab satellite television. For example, during recent demonstrations protesting poverty and high unemployment rates in the southern mining regions (Ref C),activists filmed demonstrations and wounded protesters, posting the images on the internet. When al-Jazeera and other pan-Arab satellite stations picked up the story in June, the GOT issued a statement and formed an ad-hoc committee to address the situation, likely prompted by the media attention. Denied access to most mainstream media outlets, the PDP's announced presidential candidate Nejib Chebbi has given several interviews to foreign media outlets while traveling abroad. -------------- Strength in Numbers -------------- ¶6. (C) Recognizing that there is strength in numbers, many acts of civil society are a collective effort. When opposition parties hold press conferences, representatives of rival parties are often present to show solidarity, if not always agreement. During hunger strikes, support committees comprised of a broad range of civil society activists and intellectuals are often formed and petitions supporting their causes circulated. When activists are on trial, domestic and international NGOs -- and Embassies -- send representatives to monitor the proceedings and show support. This tactic creates a support network that provides human rights defenders not only moral support, but sometimes material and monetary assistance as well. ¶7. (C) Political demonstrations and sit-ins are still relatively rare in Tunisia, but they could become more common due to widespread concerns about the rising prices of staple goods, high unemployment, and poverty rates (Ref C). Their main disadvantage is that they are easily prevented or shut-down by security forces. For example, Al-Jazeera correspondent Lotfi Hajji told us that he had attempted to take part in a sit-in in Bizerte in early June, to support the Redeyef protestors. Security forces established several checkpoints to prevent access to the site where the sit-in was to take place. When the Tunisian Human Rights League (LTDH) attempted to organize a similar rally in support of the citizens of Redeyef in mid-July, security forces blocked all routes leading to LTDH headquarters and prevented a crowd from assembling. Security forces outnumber activists, thus they normally have little trouble preventing or dispersing opposition rallies. Spontaneous or sudden demonstrations like those in Redeyef are more difficult for the government to control and have been met with more violent tactics. -------------- Change from the Inside -------------- ¶8. (C) Bleak as the situation appears to many of our civil society contacts, we know that there are some reformers attempting to change the GOT from within. According to UNDP and Dutch diplomats, Minister of Civil Service and Administrative Development Zouheir M'Dhaffar has been forward-leaning and responsive to their good governance initiatives. Minister of Development and International Cooperation Mohamed Nouri Jouini has made comments that lead us to believe he supports reform, although he is not in a position to realize those aspirations. Likewise, Moncer Rouissi, President of the governmental Higher Commission on Human Rights and Civil Liberties (HCHR),seems sincere in his efforts to help civil society, but limited in his ability bring about change. Although he was successful in winning a passport for LTDH president Mokhtar Trifi, allowing Trifi to travel to an international human rights conference, Rouissi has not been able to mediate a truce between the LTDH and the GOT. -------------- Comment -------------- ¶9. (C) While civil society activists have been able to win some concessions on their own, sustained progress on freedoms is impossible without cooperation with the GOT. We are convinced that there is a pro-reform camp within the GOT, but progress has been uneven. Unless and until officials inside the GOT and RCD make a strategic decision to embrace reform, the status quo is likely to continue. Restrictions on freedom of association prevent civil society from creating strong institutions. Limits on freedom of expression preclude activists from networking and coalition building, let alone effecting change. Moreover, it is not at all clear that Tunisian civil society has time on its side. Many Tunisian activists are over the age of 40; the majority are well into their 60s. Without strong institutions and ties to support networks in other countries, the Tunisian activists of the future (what few there are) may have precious little to work with. End Comment. GODEC