DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/03/08

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 000913 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/03/08 INDEX: (1) U.S. Ambassador to Japan Schieffer issues a statement of "heartfelt and deep condolences" in connection with the murder of a taxi driver in Yokosuka (Sankei) (2) 22-year old U.S. sailor arrested on charge of robbery and murder of taxi driver (Yomiuri) (3) Jijikokkoku (ever-changing scene) column - Murder of taxi driver in Yokosuka (Part 1): Alliance slows investigation of U.S. sailor (Asahi) (4) Jijikokkoku (ever-changing scene) column - Murder of taxi driver in Yokosuka (Part 2): U.S. military working in close cooperation with local community especially ahead of planned deployment of nuclear aircraft career (Asahi) (5) Jijikokkoku (ever-changing scene) column - Murder of taxi driver in Yokosuka (Part 3- conclusion): Cause of conflict still remains with no end of crimes (Asahi) (6) Editorial: It's taking too long to arrest U.S. sailor (Tokyo Shimbun) (7) Arrest of sailor for cab-driver murder: Local residents near Yokosuka base feel betrayed by U.S. military that appealed for coexistence (Nikkei) (8) Arrest of U.S. sailor: Repeated tragedies show ineffectiveness of measures to prevent incidents from recurring (Tokyo Shimbun) (9) U.S. to pay for utility fees temporarily following expiration of sympathy budget (Yomiuri) (10) Zenchuro criticizes DPJ's response (Yomiuri) (11) Gov't should make constructive proposal for SOFA revisions to build healthy alliance with U.S. (Mainichi) (12) Editorial: DPJ weakening Japan-U.S. alliance (Sankei) ARTICLES: (1) U.S. Ambassador to Japan Schieffer issues a statement of "heartfelt and deep condolences" in connection with the murder of a taxi driver in Yokosuka SANKEI ON LINE (Full) April 3, 2008 In connection with the case of Mr. Masaaki Takahashi, a taxi driver slain in Yokosuka City in Kanagawa Prefecture, U.S. Ambassador to Japan Schieffer issued a statement that went: "My heartfelt and deep condolences go out to the family and friends of Mr. Masaaki Takahashi." The complete text of the statement follows: "My heartfelt and deep condolences go out to the family and friends of Mr. Masaaki Takahashi. His brutal murder is a shock and outrage to all those who believe in a civilized society. Mr. Takahashi was only trying to do his job. His murder is a great tragedy for law-abiding citizens everywhere. The Embassy of the United States is TOKYO 00000913 002 OF 012 closely following the investigation and will cooperate in any way possible with Japanese authorities so that the murderer of Mr. Takahashi can be brought to justice." Ambassador Schieffer this afternoon will meet with Foreign Minister Masahiko Koumura, and then accompanied by U.S. Navy Commander Adm. Kelly, visit the Yokosuka City Hall, where the two will meet the mayor and formally apologize for the incident. (2) 22-year old U.S. sailor arrested on charge of robbery and murder of taxi driver YOMIURI ON LINE (Full) April 3, 2008 Kanagawa prefectural police today arrested seaman apprentice Olatunbosun Ugbogu (22),a Nigerian who is stationed at Yokosuka Naval Base, for the murder in Yokosuka City of Masaaki Takahashi (then 61),a taxi driver from Shinagawa-ku in Tokyo. Since Ugbogu was in the custody of U.S. forces on the crime of desertion, the Japanese government asked for the turning over of the suspect prior to indictment. The handing over was done the same day, since the agreement of the U.S. side had been obtained. (3) Jijikokkoku (ever-changing scene) column - Murder of taxi driver in Yokosuka (Part 1): Alliance slows investigation of U.S. sailor ASAHI (Page 2) (Full) April 3, 2008 The investigation by Kanagawa police into the murder of a taxi driver in Yokosuka City finally made some progress yesterday with the cooperation of the United States military, which had taken the suspect into custody. Although the U.S. forces, which plans to deploy a nuclear-powered aircraft carrier (at Yokosuka),were cooperative, the police were unable to question the suspect immediately after he surfaced as a potential witness. For the police, the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) continues to stand as a wall in the way of their investigation. Japanese police had to wait for the suspect to confess to U.S. military The Kanagawa prefectural police asked the U.S. military to allow the police to question the seaman on the night of April 1, half a day before actually questioning the seaman. It was just after the sailor admitted to his involvement in slaying a taxi driver during the questioning by the U.S. Naval Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS),and 10 days after the NCIS took him into custody. The incident occurred on the night of March 19. The name of the sailor immediately came up because he had left his credit card in the cab. Immediately after the incident occurred, the U.S. Navy told the Yokohama city government that the seaman might have been involved in the murder. The sailor deserted from Yokosuka Naval Base on March 8. After the murder of the taxi driver, the prefectural police searched for his whereabouts as a potential suspect, while NCIS likewise searched for him as a deserter. TOKYO 00000913 003 OF 012 Minutes before 4:00 a.m. of March 22, a cell phone of an official at the Yokosuka city government's Base Measures Department rang. The information that the deserter has now been taken into custody came from a hot line through the cell phone. The caller was a U.S. Navy officer in charge. The call came a mere 10 minutes after (the U.S. Navy) had detained the serviceman. After taking the seaman into custody, the U.S. Navy conveyed to the prefectural police every detail of the results of the questioning of the deserter as to what he was doing after deserting from the base and whether he was involved in the killing. Receiving such materials from the NCIS as fingerprints of the seaman and the mucous membrane of his mouth to be used for DNA analysis, the police were engaged in examining them. But the police investigation did not progress as they had expected. No fingerprints of the seaman were detected on the credit card left in the taxi or on the handle of the kitchen knife used in the slaying. The police lacked evidence that the seaman had been involved in the murder. A senior police investigator noted: "It would be of great help on our part if the sailor confessed to the NCIS." The police made efforts to analyze security videotapes installed in areas around JR Shinagawa Station, where the driver picked up the last passenger, and records of the cell phone in order to gain evidence, while keeping a close tab on how the NCIS' questioning of the serviceman would progress. Meanwhile, the police were carefully looking for the right timing for them to begin questioning the seaman. During the questioning by the NCIS, the sailor admitted to his involvement in the killing. This helped the police investigation to move forward significantly. Following the NCIS's questioning, the police's questioning of the sailor began yesterday. In it, the sailor admitted to his involvement in the killing. (4) Jijikokkoku (ever-changing scene) column - Murder of taxi driver in Yokosuka (Part 2): U.S. military working in close cooperation with local community especially ahead of planned deployment of nuclear aircraft career ASAHI (Page 2) (Full) April 3, 2008 The United States military is working in close cooperation with Yokosuka City and the Kanagawa prefectural police on the murder case. The reason is presumably connected to the U.S. plan to deploy the USS George Washington to Yokosuka Navy Base in August. Meanwhile, however, deep-seated apprehensions about the safety of this nuclear submarine and persistent objections to its deployment exist in the local community. The U.S. Navy has deployed aircraft carriers to Yokosuka since 1973. The carrier has been the cornerstone of the U.S. military's strategy in the West Pacific. The U.S. Navy wants to minimize local objections to the deployment of the nuclear carrier so that the ship will arrive at Yokosuka smoothly. Meanwhile, Yokosuka City thinks cooperation with the U.S. Navy is essential in order to build a system of safety measures that can convince citizens who are TOKYO 00000913 004 OF 012 concerned about a possible radioactive accident. Both sides have shared the same position since Yokosuka Mayor Ryouichi Kabaya gave the green light to the plan to deploying the carrier to Yokosuka in June 2006. The city government and the U.S. Navy have since then frequently held talks with the Japanese government to discuss how to prepare for or prevent a disaster. Aside from this meeting, the mayor, relevant city government officials, and senior U.S. Navy officers have met once a month on a regular basis in an effort to share information. The regular meetings have allowed both sides to become acquainted with each other. At one of the meetings, a hot line (between the city government and the U.S. Navy Yokosuka Base) was proposed. "The U.S. military and the Yokosuka city government have built close relations on a level not seen in any other place across the country in an effort to reduce incidents and accidents," a city government official in charge said. Meanwhile, a civic group is collecting signatures with the aim of bringing about a referendum on the propriety of deploying the USS George Washington. A leading player in this campaign is lawyer Masahiko Goto. Goto pointed out: "No matter how much the city and the U.S. Navy may highlight safety measures based on their friendly ties, it is impossible for such measures to have a deterrent effect on accidents or crimes as long as there is a lack of tension." (5) Jijikokkoku (ever-changing scene) column - Murder of taxi driver in Yokosuka (Part 3- conclusion): Cause of conflict still remains with no end of crimes ASAHI (Page 2) (Slightly abridged) April 3, 2008 The U.S. side's response to the latest murder case caused by a U.S. serviceman seems to be reflecting its sense of crisis that a recent series of crimes committed by U.S. military personnel could rock the very foundation of the bilateral relationship. This past February, a U.S. Marine was arrested on charge of raping a (junior high school) girl. Prime Minister Fukuda called on the U.S. to take action to prevent a recurrence of a similar incident. Just after U.S. Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice and other officials repeatedly SIPDIS offered apologies in response to Fukuda's call, the murder of a taxi driver in Yokosuka City occurred. The killer was a U.S. sailor. After the rape of an elementary school girl in Okinawa by U.S. military personnel in 1995 the U.S. side began handing over U.S. military suspects to Japanese police authorities before indictment. In the murder case this time, the U.S. side informally contacted the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) and Ministry of Defense (MOF) the day after the occurrence of the incident and told them: "A U.S. deserter is suspected of being involved in the case." Rear Adm. James Kelly, commander of the U.S. Naval Forces in Japan, told a news conference on March 23: "The Japanese police are investigating the case. We promise full cooperation with the investigation." According to a source familiar with bilateral relations, once an arrest warrant is issued, (the U.S. side) aims to smoothly hand the suspect over to (the Japanese side) by holding a meeting of the Joint Committee, (which consists of MOFA's North American Affairs Bureau director-general, the vice commander of the U.S. Forces Japan TOKYO 00000913 005 OF 012 (USFJ),and others) and which is usually held once every two weeks, in order to obtain approval from each committee component. However, the handover of the suspects to the Japanese side is treated as something stemming from the U.S. side willingness to extend "sympathetic consideration" to Japan under a bilateral agreement. This kind of handover is not mentioned in the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA),which stipulates the rights and duties of USFJ. Those who are subject to such transfers are limited to suspects of heinous crimes. Since 1995, Japan has called on the U.S. to hand criminals over in five cases, but of these, four cases were actually transferred to the Japanese side. In 2004, the scope of crimes subject to handover was broadened, and at the same time, it was decided that U.S. military officers are required to be present at interrogations because the U.S. was highly concerned about the human rights of the suspect. In the case of a U.S. military helicopter crash into the campus of Okinawa International University in 2004, the U.S. side recovered the helicopter at the crash site before the Okinawa prefectural police conducted an on- site investigation. This has led to local municipalities housing U.S. military bases to strongly call for revising the SOFA so that Japanese authorities can strengthen their right to investigate when incidents or accidents take place. But Prime Minister Fukuda told a session yesterday of the Lower House Committee on Foreign Affairs: "I want to deal with each case by improving the operation of SOFA" as before. This remark came because the U.S. side is not expected to respond to calls to review the SOFA. Cause of conflict will accordingly remain in the future, as well, as long as both countries cannot fully deter crimes committed by or accidents caused by U.S. military personnel. (6) Editorial: It's taking too long to arrest U.S. sailor TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full) April 3, 2008 In questioning by Kanagawa prefectural police, a U.S. sailor has reportedly admitted to killing a taxi driver in Yokosuka, Kanagawa Prefecture. But he is still in the custody of the U.S. Navy under the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement. It is taking too long to arrest him. The incident occurred on the night of March 19. A taxi driver was murdered in his car near U.S. Yokosuka Naval Base, stabbed in the neck with a kitchen knife. Three days later, the U.S. military took into custody a 22-year-old U.S. seaman (itto suihei) of Nigerian nationality on a charge of desertion. The prefectural police managed to question the U.S. sailor 12 days later, on April 2. The seaman has been in the custody of the U.S. military and is being investigated on charges of desertion. Was the U.S. military able to prevent the destruction of evidence related to the murder investigation and to prevent people connected with the case from coordinating their stories? We are highly concerned. A credit card bearing the name of the sailor was found immediately after the incident. Given such "material evidence," the prefectural police should have been able to ask the U.S. military to let them question the seaman much earlier. TOKYO 00000913 006 OF 012 Seeking an arrest warrant for the U.S. sailor, the prefectural police will ask the U.S. military to hand him over. The Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement stipulates in principle that the U.S. military has custody of U.S. service members who have committed crimes until they are indicted. In 1995, a schoolgirl was raped by three U.S. Marines in Okinawa, resulting in an outcry in the prefecture. In consideration of this case, the U.S. agreed to give "sympathetic consideration" to Japanese requests for the pre-indictment handover of U.S. service members who are suspected of having committed a heinous crime. This also led to an agreement to improve the operation of (the SOFA). This time around, the U.S. military has indicated that it will extend "full cooperation." While the U.S. sailor is expected to be handed over to the Japanese authorities, there has been a ceaseless string of atrocious crimes by U.S. service members. In February this year, a U.S. Marine was arrested in Okinawa for allegedly sexually assaulting a middle school girl. In 2006, a U.S. sailor robbed and killed a Yokosuka woman, and in 2007, U.S. Marines based at Iwakuni Air Station, Yamaguchi Prefecture, allegedly gang-raped a woman in Hiroshima. It can be said that residents of not only Okinawa but also of base-hosting municipalities across Japan are beginning to feel fear toward U.S. service members. There are fundamental problems with the quality of U.S. service members and their management, and little can be expected from the U.S. military's vow to "strictly enforce discipline." Given that there have been no specific preventive measures, the principle of limiting (the application of) domestic law must be modified. U.S. service members who commit atrocious crimes must be detained at Japanese facilities and be questioned first by Japanese police. The time has come for the Japanese government to press the U.S. side for a review of the SOFA. (7) Arrest of sailor for cab-driver murder: Local residents near Yokosuka base feel betrayed by U.S. military that appealed for coexistence NIKKEI ON LINE (Full) April 3, 2008\ Kanagawa police today issued an arrest warrant for a U.S. sailor, who has admitted he killed a taxi driver in the city of Yokosuka. From the local residents and shopkeepers of the "base town" who had deepened their exchanges with the U.S. military that had appealed for coexistence came voices of disappointment at the betrayal, with one local resident saying, "I am saddened by this incident that has case a shadow over my trust (in the U.S. military)." A male shopkeeper (62) who owns a general store only dozens of meters from the Yokosuka U.S. Navy Base, where the sailor was stationed, lowered his voice and said, "We will not be able to avoid the damage done to the image of our downtown area." The shopkeeper has lived in Yokosuka for dozens of years. There is not a day that goes by when he does not see sailors on his street. He has many American friends. He said: "There are many good sailors. TOKYO 00000913 007 OF 012 It is sad that a few brutes have cast a pall on the relationship of trust between the base and the local residents." (8) Arrest of U.S. sailor: Repeated tragedies show ineffectiveness of measures to prevent incidents from recurring TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 11) (Excerpt) Eve., April 3, 2008 In the case of the murder of a taxi driver in Yokosuka City in Kanagawa Prefecture, a 22-year old seaman's apprentice stationed at Yokosuka Naval Base will be arrested and charged with the robbery and murder, but only two years ago, there was a case of robbery and murder by a sailor at the same base. Based on that incident, measures to prevent a recurrence were taken, such as restricting alcoholic drinking by servicemen, guidance and education to obey the law, and the strengthening of patrols in areas near the base. However, even after all that, crimes by sailor continued to occur, the lesson apparently not having been learned, with irretrievable losses and tragedies happening repeatedly. (9) U.S. to pay for utility fees temporarily following expiration of sympathy budget YOMIURI (Page 3) (Excerpts) April 3, 2008 An extension of the Japan-U.S. Special Measures Agreement on Japan's host-nation support (sympathy budget) for the costs of stationing U.S. forces in Japan was adopted by the House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee yesterday with a majority vote by the ruling parties. The major opposition Democratic Party of Japan opposed the agreement for the first time. A delay in deliberations due to turmoil over the appointment of a new Bank of Japan governor and the provisional gasoline tax rate has created a vacuum period in the agreement, making it impossible to implement the budget beyond its March 31 expiry. Although a new agreement is likely to win Diet approval later this month, some are concerned that the matter might take a toll on the Japan-U.S. alliance gradually, like a body blow. Japan's HNS covers: (1) base salaries of Japanese employees at U.S. bases, (2) U.S. military housing utility fees, and (3) relocation costs of fighter jet landing practice and firing practice. According to the Foreign Ministry, the salaries of Japanese employees are paid on the 10th of the following month. The government plans to pay 8 billion yen in salaries for April on May ¶9. To do so, the new special agreement must take effect by late April. If it slips to May, the U.S. side would be forced to shoulder the Japanese employees' salaries temporarily. The DPJ has indicated that it would deal with the matter in a way not to inconvenience the base employees. If the new agreement clears the Lower House today and is sent to the House of Councillors and voted down by the opposition parties, it still can go into effect within April, provided that the lower chamber's decision takes precedence over the upper chamber's on an agreement that is handled in the same way as a treaty. "We will probably be able to avoid a situation where the U.S. side has to pay for the Japanese employees," a senior Foreign Ministry official said. TOKYO 00000913 008 OF 012 At the same time, the U.S. side plans to pay for utilities fees in April in place of Japan. The U.S. side also plans to prevent any expenses from incurring by postponing the planned relocation of fighter jet training from Kadena Air Base to May or later. (10) Zenchuro criticizes DPJ's response YOMIURI (Page 3) (Abridged slightly) April 3, 2008 The shadow cabinet of the major opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) decided yesterday to oppose the government's plan to revise the Japan-U.S. special measures agreement on Japan's host-nation support (sympathy budget) for the costs of stationing U.S. forces in Japan. The DPJ supported its revision in 2000 (for fiscal 2001-2005 period) and in 2006 (for fiscal 2006-2007 period),taking a position of placing high priority on the Japan-U.S. alliance. DPJ Policy Research Council Chairman Masayuki Naoshima told a press conference: "We will oppose it, bearing in mind that the axis of Japan's diplomacy is its bilateral relationship with the United States. We called for the examination and reduction of expenses in 2000 and 2006, but nothing has changed. Utility fees are high and U.S. military housing is costly because discretionary contracts (and not competitive bidding) are used. Given the government's severe fiscal situation, all expenses must be reviewed." Attention was also focused on the response of DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa, who has been calling for a Japan-U.S. alliance based on equality. Although Ozawa did not attend the shadow cabinet meeting yesterday, he showed up at its previous meeting on March 26, in which he said: "I would like you to give thought to the historical background of the sympathy budget, as well." In 1978, then Defense Agency Director-General Shin Kanemaru, who was Ozawa's mentor, had the government pay part of labor costs for the Japanese employees working at U.S. bases, calling it a "sympathy budget." There was an observation in the DPJ that Ozawa wanted to support the original agreement. In an attempt to check Ozawa's true intention, Naoshima called on him at party headquarters on April 1 and told him that the party was largely leaning toward opposing the new agreement. In response, Ozawa easily concurred, saying, "I will leave the entire matter up to you." A senior DPJ member noted: "Mr. Ozawa decided to scrap the road-use revenue system, which was established by the late Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka, his teacher. Mr. Ozawa also opposed the sympathy budget, which was initiated by Mr. Kanemaru. Those steps reflect Mr. Ozawa's determination to break away from the political approach of the LDP era and to pursue reform." At the same time, some fear that the DPJ might come across as an anti-U.S. party. The DPJ is also being criticized by ruling party members for using the matter to force the prime minister into dissolving the Lower House. TOKYO 00000913 009 OF 012 Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda said last night to reporters, "What is (the DPJ's) view of the Japan-U.S. alliance?" One DPJ member said: "I cannot oppose the sympathy budget. I want to consider abstaining from a plenary session." The largest opposition party is not necessarily monolithic. The DPJ has opposed the sympathy budget, describing Japan's contribution to the salaries of Japanese employees at recreational facilities on U.S. bases as a "waste" of money. This has chilled the DPJ's relationship with the All Japan Garrison Forces Labor Union (Zenchuro),a supporter of the main opposition party. Zenchuro faxed yesterday a statement to DPJ executives, including President Ozawa, noting that the party's policy course to oppose the sympathy budget was extremely regrettable. The statement also said, "We have received a strong complaint from the (Zenchuro) Yamaguchi chapter that under the situation, they cannot campaign (for the DPJ)," suggesting a review of its campaign cooperation apparently with the April 27 Lower House Yamaguchi No. 2 district by-election in mind. (11) Gov't should make constructive proposal for SOFA revisions to build healthy alliance with U.S. MAINICHI (Page 4) (Full) April 2, 2008 Nakae Ueno, Political Section, Mainichi Shimbun In February, a U.S. serviceman was arrested for his alleged rape of a junior high school girl in Okinawa Prefecture. (In this incident, the U.S. serviceman was acquitted with the victim having withdrawn her complaint. The U.S. military is now investigating the case.) Since then, I have been wondering why the people of Okinawa Prefecture continue to call for the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) to be revised and why the government continues to reject the call. And through a rally held on Mar. 23 in Okinawa Prefecture's Chatan Town in protest of incidents and accidents caused by U.S. military personnel, I could see the Japan-U.S. security alliance's dilemma that lies behind the standoff between Okinawa's local communities and the government. "The Japanese government does nothing for its people. The U.S. serviceman who raped me must be returned to Japan." With this, Jane (fictitious name),an Australian woman who was raped six years ago by a Yokosuka-based U.S. Navy serviceman and who now lives in Tokyo, made an appeal in a rally of 6,000 people. Prosecutors dropped her case, and the U.S. serviceman returned home. Jane won a civil lawsuit. However, damages have yet to be paid. U.S. military personnel have brought about incidents and accidents, and 80 PERCENT of them happened when they were off duty. However, those off-duty incidents and accidents were left to out-of-court negotiations. Damages are not paid in most cases. Jane cried: "Everybody can be a victim. I was not to blame." In the rally was a 60-year-old woman wiping her tears. She said, "She spoke for the junior high school girl and all other victims." Jane said, "Today, I finally felt that I am not alone." She added, "Thank you." An old woman then ran up to Jane. She took Jane's hands, and said: "I have endured things for 50 years. You made me feel today that I TOKYO 00000913 010 OF 012 can start living again." The small island prefecture of Okinawa is home to 75 PERCENT of all U.S. military facilities in Japan. Local people are therefore highly likely to be involved in incidents and accidents caused by U.S. military personnel. According to the Defense Ministry, incidents and accidents caused in Japan by U.S. military personnel in fiscal 2006 totaled 1,549 cases. Among those cases, 953 cases, or more than 60 PERCENT , occurred in Okinawa. This rate per 100,000 people is 140 times higher than that in all other mainland prefectures. This figure, remaining almost unchanged over the past decade, can be taken as reflecting the concentrated presence of U.S. military bases in Okinawa. The problem of compensation for victims is the tip of the iceberg of the SOFA's inequality. The SOFA allows U.S. forces to use bases in Japan under the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, and it also stipulates the legal status of U.S. military personnel. In addition, the SOFA accords various privileges, such as exemption from Japanese laws and taxation. In 1995, Okinawa-based U.S. servicemen gang-raped a local schoolgirl. At that time, the U.S. military rejected a local police request to turn over the suspects before they were indicted. This is one of the problems that became symbolic of the SOFA's inequality. The U.S. military is not required to decontaminate its bases even if their waste pollutes the environment. A U.S. military chopper once crashed on the campus of a university in Okinawa. In that accident, the U.S. military did not allow local police to access the crash site. Okinawa Prefecture called on the government each time to revise the SOFA. This time, another problem came up. SOFA-status personnel are exempted from alien registration, so local authorities were unable to grasp off-base U.S. military personnel. The SOFA is just like "Pandora's box," according to a Foreign Ministry source. Okinawa's call for SOFA revisions is an accusation against the concentrated presence of U.S. military bases on Okinawa. But then, the question is why the government refuses to revise SOFA provisions. According to government officials and ruling party executives, that is "because the United States is reluctant" to revise the SOFA. The government has outwardly explained that SOFA revisions would have repercussions on other U.S. allies hosting U.S. forces. In the past, however, Germany and South Korea negotiated with the United States for SOFA revisions. A New Komeito lawmaker made an appeal to U.S. Congress people on the necessity of revising the SOFA. This lawmaker said: "They, regardless of being Republicans and Democrats, think the Japan-U.S. security alliance is unilateral. They won't accept Japan's request to revise the SOFA." "Unilateral" in the New Komeito lawmaker's words denotes that although the United States must defend Japan in the event of emergencies, Japan does not have to defend the United States. Instead, Japan provides bases to U.S. forces and bears the heaviest burden of costs among all other host nations for the stationing of U.S. forces in Japan as the "sympathy budget" (omoiyari yosan). A lawmaker with the ruling Liberal Democratic Party's defense panel noted: "If Japan is constitutionally allowed to participate in collective self-defense, and if we are on an equal footing to defend each other, then we don't have to ask them to base their troops in Japan for our national defense." The bilateral security arrangement between Japan and the United States dates back to Japan's independence in 1952. Japan, under its war-renouncing constitution, chose to ask the United States to TOKYO 00000913 011 OF 012 defend Japan, with Okinawa separated from Japan and placed under the U.S. military's occupation. A substantial reduction of the U.S. military presence in Japan is linked to the inevitability of revising its postwar constitution. Naha City's Mayor Takeshi Onaga, who participated in the rally as a conservative head of local government, pointed to such a dilemma as a "distortion" of the bilateral security alliance. "There's no independence for Japan without a solution to Okinawa's base problems," Onaga added. I cannot agree to the advocacy of participating in collective self-defense as requested by the United States. As a constructive suggestion for a healthy alliance with the United States, Japan should propose negotiations with the United States to revise the SOFA. Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda flatly defied the idea of revising the SOFA. Meanwhile, Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto) President Ichiro Ozawa has only suggested the necessity of a "truly equal alliance." Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima did not participate in the rally. However, Gov. Nakaima is scheduled to visit the United States in September for SOFA revisions. As long as there are incidents and accidents involving U.S. military personnel, Okinawa would never stop crying out for SOFA revisions. Japan and the United States must sincerely respond to the voice of Okinawa, or the bilateral security alliance will contribute to the growing magma (of discontent) that could erupt at any time. (12) Editorial: DPJ weakening Japan-U.S. alliance SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) April 3, 2008 Japan's alliance with the United States is now being undermined. A special deal on Japan's burden sharing of costs for the stationing of U.S. forces in Japan has now expired. As a result, the government cannot execute the budget. In addition to such a vacuum, the Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto) is now opposed to the budget unlike before. A political party that is trying to take the reins of government is threatening to weaken the Japan-U.S. alliance, which is the axis of Japan's national security. We cannot but say it is an irresponsible political conduct resulting in the loss of Japan's credibility. The House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee passed a new special agreement yesterday to replace the old one that expired at the end of March, with a majority of votes from the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito. The DPJ approved the last two accords. However, the DPJ opposed the new one, maintaining that the budget's cutback is insufficient. The new accord is expected to clear the House of Representatives today. In the House of Councillors, the new agreement is expected to be vetoed with a majority of votes from the DPJ and other opposition parties. However, the new accord will be approved (as a treaty) in line with constitutional provisions allowing the House of Representatives' decision to take precedence over the House of Councillors' decision. The U.S. military will cover the vacuum portion until the new agreement comes into effect. However, this is the first such case since the burden-sharing system started in 1978. TOKYO 00000913 012 OF 012 The vacuum has arisen because the opposition camp, led by the DPJ, demanded all-out deliberations. The standoff between the ruling and opposition parties over road-related tax revenues also spurred on the Diet turmoil. The new accord is to carry out a total cutback of 800 million yen in Japan's payment of charges for utilities (currently 25.3 billion yen a year) over the next three years. In the new accord, the Japanese government changed its cost accounting for utilities in order to constrain its burden sharing. In the past, the Japanese government used to set an upper limit on the annual use of utilities. Meanwhile, the new accord caps the amount of money to be paid for utilities. The Diet focused its debate on the advisability of taking on salary payments for employees working at recreational facilities on U.S. military bases. In addition, the Diet also discussed facts about housing construction for U.S. military personnel and their families, such as spending 48 million yen per unit. Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba explained that U.S. military personnel in Japan are provided with amenity like that in the United States. The new accord prescribes the U.S. military's further cost-cutting efforts. It is impermissible to waste money. Japan's burden sharing is heavier than in the case of other countries hosting U.S. forces. This also must be corrected immediately, or it would be difficult to get public understanding. At the same time, however, we must also consider the cost of security to defend Japan. The year before last, the DPJ came up with its manifesto that set forth a course of action to "establish a true bilateral alliance, with Japan and the United States on an equal footing." The new accord is needed for a facilitative and effective security arrangement between Japan and the United States. The DPJ has rejected this. How can the DPJ propose a true bilateral alliance? SCHIEFFER