POSTCARD FROM ALBANIA: NEW KIDS ON THE POLITICAL AND

UNCLAS TIRANA 000162 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT FOR EUR/SCE, ZAGREB ALSO FOR BELGRADE E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PGOV PREL AL SUBJECT: POSTCARD FROM ALBANIA: NEW KIDS ON THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC BLOCK ¶1. (U) This cable is part of an occasional series entitled "Postcards from Albania." These messages are prepared by our locally employed staff to provide analysis, opinions and commentary on Albanian reality from an Albanian perspective. This cable was contributed by a member of the Front Office staff. -------------- SUMMARY -------------- ¶2. (U) A new generation is moving up the ladder of power in Albania. In a country where political and economic power has long been held by the heirs of the communist elite, a generational shift is taking place. The political class that rose in the ashes of communism was necessarily comprised of participants in that system, as the harsh dictatorship had eliminated most of its opponents. In the economic realm, the new generation is taking control of Albania's economic capital and financial future. In recent years observable change has taken place in government institutions and the country's largest political parties. The main opposition party is being transformed by the introduction of fresh faces at the top rungs, sidelining the older generation. Meanwhile, the ruling Democratic Party has appointed several young cabinet and sub-cabinet ministers. All signs indicate that the balance of power is shifting. END SUMMARY -------------- IN GOVERNMENT, YOUNGER IS BETTER -------------- ¶3. (U) Prime Minister Berisha's government is dominated by cabinet ministers in their early thirties. While younger does not necessarily mean wiser, the composition of government reflects a growing trend in the country, one that feels good to many Albanian citizens: entrusting power to those not tainted by the communist past and who embody western ideas divergent from their elders. Several important positions are occupied by the new generation, including: Foreign Minister Lulzim Basha, 34; Integration Minister Majlinda Bregu, 34; and Justice Minister Enkelejd Alibeaj, 35. The newly-appointed Prosecutor General, Ina Rama, is also just 34. Several deputy minister positions are also held by officials of the under-35 category, including Deputy Foreign Minister Edith Harxhi and Deputy Minister of Interior Iva Zajmi. Even the "older" generation of officials is young; President Bamir Topi is 51 and Speaker Topalli just turned 43. ¶4. (U) These changes are significant in themselves, but also reflect wider societal shifts. One of the most notable changes occurred in the ruling Democratic Party (DP) ahead of its 2005 Parliamentary win. At that time, the DP was reportedly convinced that it could only take Parliament with new blood in the old structures, prompting then-Chairman Berisha to create the Committee on the Orientation of Policies (KOP),a group of young, western-educated professionals who were relative unknowns. The Committee contributed to the successful change in the DP's image and played an important role in the party's return to power after eight years in opposition. The subsequent rise to national prominence of many Committee members has sometimes created tensions with the more established wing of the party, but their appointments to the cabinet level provided a direct outlet for their growing influence. However, it is Berisha himself who proposes and manages change in the party, and as long as he remains its undisputed leader, any reforms may be rescinded. -------------- OPPOSITION PARTY: ONE MEMBER, ONE CHAIRMAN -------------- ¶5. (U) In addition, the main opposition party is undergoing a similar but perhaps more profound transformation. Under the leadership of Edi Rama, the communist-era old guard is retreating, making way for a new cadre of people who share Rama's populist vision of social change. (Rama is a great admirer of Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama.) Successful professionals with no ties to the traditional Socialist Party (SP) structure have been propelled into leadership positions, changes which have been made possible by the new 'one member one vote' system that allowed Rama to dismantle the party's pyramidal structure. While some contend that many of the newcomers have no real authority - they are simply Rama's puppets - their introduction to SP politics has the potential to transform the face of the left wing. ¶6. (U) As a result of Rama's changes, the SP General Assembly has been reformed, leaving outside a number of those who controlled the party since its inception. Rama also created its first policy research body to shape the party's programs and policies. These changes have underscored Rama's strategy of contrasting himself with the leaders of the post-communist period, notably former SP Chair Fatos Nano and PM Berisha, as well as Rama's promise of a new beginning for the party. -------------- FOLLOW THE MONEY -------------- ¶7. (U) These political changes have been preceded by important developments in the private sector. Unable to keep up with demand in the new markets, an older generation of managers is being usurped by young, well-educated businessmen. These entrepreneurs are savvy and flexible, adapting the most recent advertising techniques and financial mechanisms to their successful business ventures. The result is that some of the fastest growing businesses in the country are run by people in their mid-30s, in new sectors of industry. Saimir Mane, a 36-year-old businessman, owns the most successful supermarket chain in Albania. His success is emulated by several prominent entrepreneurs, including 41-year-old Sokol Kika, who have made a fortune from the booming real-estate industry. These influential businessmen are beginning to make their mark on public policy, flexing their economic might in the political realm and becoming a force to be reckoned with traditional politicians. -------------- COMMENT -------------- ¶8. (U) Albania is now entering into a new stage of development. A new generation that was only marginally affected by the communist system now has the power and influence to affect public policy. Young politicians are tapping into a reservoir of popular discontent with the old leaders, whose paternalistic, hierarchical leadership style has not responded to the aspirations of Albania's young electorate. This new generation's successful introduction on the political stage shows both that citizens are tired of the failures of the traditional political class, and that the old guard itself appears resigned to letting the new guys in. Until now, their rise has failed to put the brakes on Albania's conflictual and personality-based political realm. With new leaders in both major parties and the rising economic influence of the next generation, changes may soon be visible there as well. WITHERS