Teachers Strike Hits at VMRO's Weak Spot

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 SKOPJE 000725 SENSITIVE SIPDIS STATE FOR EUR/SCE, DRL/IL E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: ELAB ILO PHUM SOCI PGOV MK SUBJECT: Teachers Strike Hits at VMRO's Weak Spot ¶1. (SBU) Summary: A nationwide teachers strike has dragged on for more than a week and closed schools throughout the country, though a settlement may be near. Union leaders have accused the GoM of hardball tactics and outright lies in dealing with the strike; the GoM has countered that the strike is an opposition plot and that there is no money in the budget to meet union demands for pay and benefit increases. The strike may be a sign of some increasing discontent with PM Gruevski's heretofore extremely popular government. End summary. School's Out...Indefinitely? ¶2. (SBU) Union sources suggest that a bitter week-long teachers strike by SONK, (Union of Education, Science and Culture Employees), may be reaching its end in the coming days. The union called the strike November 24 after negotiations with the GoM failed. SONK's demands included conclusion of a comprehensive collective bargaining agreement with the government (a long-standing issue) which will ultimately trigger a salary increase; an increase in food and transportation allowances to equate with allowances received by employees in the public administration, and conversion of teachers currently on short-term contracts to permanent employment. ¶3. (SBU) Led primarily by Deputy PM for Economy Stavreski, the GoM has held firm, claiming that with the expected slowdown in the economy due to the global financial crisis, the government cannot give in to union demands. Stavreski's hard line included threatening principals who participate in the strike with dismissals, and schools with 3000 Euro fines, and dispatching the Education Minister and other officials to individual schools to browbeat the staffs into returning to work. (NOTE: Principals in Macedonian schools are allowed to be, and often are, union members alongside teachers. End Note.) The government has also run lengthy media spots accusing the union of depriving Macedonia's children of their constitutional right to an education. Other efforts against the strike have carried a more sinister tone, including a fax sent November 28 by the administration of a Skopje municipality requesting from schools in its districts lists of names and telephone numbers of all parents and school board members. While the GoM has claimed that as little as 20% of the country's schools have been affected by the strike, anecdotal evidence in Skopje and 
other towns suggest that most schools are not operating. An Opposition Plot? ¶4. (SBU) The strike has also created a natural opportunity for sniping between the ruling party, VMRO, and its chief opposition rival, SDSM. Government sources have accused the SDSM, as well as President Crvenkovski, of masterminding the strike solely for political benefit. SDSM's Secretary-General, Igor Ivanovski, told us November 28 that in fact SONK -- a relatively new union -- has generally enjoyed closer ties with VMRO than SDSM, and that VMRO encouraged numerous strikes when SDSM was in government from 2002-2006. Crvenkovski told the Ambassador November 29 that he has nothing to do with the strike. SDSM has sharply criticized the GoM's handling of the strike, and is undoubtedly happy to see the government put into a tough spot. ¶5. (SBU) Union President Dojcin Cvetanovski has complained to us throughout the strike that the government has used heavy-handed tactics, and has asked for our assistance. He accused the government of lying in its ad campaign, saying that if the GoM really were paying teachers as it claims he would call off the strike immediately. He claimed that the government was politicizing the strike, with the final aim to destroy SONK, which he says is the country's only multiethnic union. Cvetanovski announced November 28 that he and some others in the union leadership would start a hunger strike to protest the government's tactics. ¶6. (SBU) Embassy has maintained a balanced line, listening to Cvetanovski's complaints and also reaching out to government sources to gather information. We have declined any efforts to have us take a public position. We have counseled both sides that a deal should be reached soon, noting that an extended period where Macedonia's children do not receive an education would not bode well for the country's efforts to attract foreign investment and ultimately for its Euro-Atlantic aspirations. A Brussels-based teachers union, Education International, has sent a representative and voiced support for SONK. GoM Looking Beyond Only the Strike ¶7. (SBU) PM Gruevski's Chief of Staff, Martin Protoger, told us November 28 that he has been engaged in lengthy negotiations with Cvetanovski and that the GoM, while friendly with SONK, is simply unable financially to meet the union's demands. Protoger suggested that the government is also feeling the heat politically, with other protests planned Dec. 1 (by e-Macedonian veterans of the 2001 conflict demanding a huge social benefits package) and constant SKOPJE 00000725 002 OF 002 threats of protests by dairy producers demanding increased price supports. Protoger claimed that former Interior Minister and likely presidential candidate Ljube Boskovski is behind the veterans' protest; they are demanding an annual package of 22 billion denars (US $480 million),which amounts to more than the GoM's entire annual health care budget. ¶8. (SBU) Cvetanovski subsequently informed us Dec. 1 that over the weekend he and Protoger may have come close to a deal, essentially a compromise on each of SONK's three demands. However, SONK's board must approve the outline of the agreement before the strike can end; this could occur in the coming days. Comment: Cracks in the Facade? ¶9. (SBU) Labor unrest has not been a major factor in recent Macedonian politics, and the unions are often as politicized as many other aspects of civil society here. Therefore SONK's apparent tenacity comes as somewhat of a surprise, given its generally good relationship with the ruling VMRO. So far, it seems, the union has refused to go quietly. We cannot yet assess if this is a chink in PM Gruevski's thus far apparently impenetrable political armor, but Protoger's comments suggest that there may be more domestic challenges ahead for Gruevski's government. Earlier this year Gruevski did resolve a long-standing protest by former employees of state-owned enterprises by meeting some of their demands. The question is whether he is willing and able to deploy sufficient funds to meet the larger demands of groups like teachers and veterans. Reeker