THE CONSUL GENERAL DISCUSSES BILATERAL RELATIONS,

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 SHANGHAI 000410 SIPDIS DEPT FOR EAP/CM NSC FOR LOI E.O. 12958: DECL: 9/22/2028 TAGS: PREL PGOV PHUM ECON CH KN RS TW SUBJECT: THE CONSUL GENERAL DISCUSSES BILATERAL RELATIONS, POST-OLYMPICS CHINA WITH SHANGHAI SCHOLARS CLASSIFIED BY: Beatrice A. Camp, Consul General, U.S. Consulate General, Shanghai, China, Department of State. REASON: 1.4 (b),(d) ¶1. (C) Summary: In the wake of the successful Beijing Summer Olympic Games, international economic stability is now Beijing's top priority, according to Shanghai scholars. They regard U.S. actions leading up to and during the Olympics as having provided a psychological boost to bilateral relations. Social tensions remain a major preoccupation of the Chinese leadership, though it remains to be seen whether pre-Olympics reforms are made permanent. U.S.-China relations have reached a level of maturity where both sides can cooperate on a range of issues despite residual differences. At the same time, bilateral irritants -- such as potential U.S. arms sales to Taiwan -- remain on the horizon, while international challenges including the Georgia crisis and the Six-Party Talks may further test the relationship's durability. END SUMMARY. ¶2. (U) On September 19, the Consul General hosted several prominent Shanghai scholars of international affairs for lunch and a wide-ranging discussion on bilateral relations and post-Olympics China. Our guests included: Ding Xinghao, Director, Shanghai Institute for American Studies; Wu Xinbo, Deputy Director, Center for American Studies (CAS),Fudan University; Zhuang Jianzhong, Vice Director, Center for Rim-Pac Strategic and International Studies, Shanghai Jiaotong University; and Xia Liping, Deputy Dean, School of Law and Political Science, Tongji University. ECONOMIC STABILITY CHINA'S TOP PRIORITY -------------- ¶3. (C) In the wake of the successful Olympic Games, many Chinese are turning their attention to the world financial situation. Ding Xinghao observes that the U.S. economic downturn now appears more severe than it previously did, and increased global interdependence has made economic stability in the United States "everyone's problem." Ding suspects that, to maintain growing prosperity at home, China will "need to help Americans to help ourselves." Wu Xinbo agrees that, while Beijing was initially focused on preparations for the new U.S. administration in 2009, its top priority is now the international economy. China's prosperous coastal regions had already felt the effects of the U.S. economic decline earlier this year, Wu asserts, and the situation has only gotten worse due to recent events on Wall Street and in Washington. U.S. APPROACH TO OLYMPICS A BOOST -------------- ¶4. (C) Reflecting on the success of the Beijing Olympics, Xia Liping believes that U.S. actions leading up to and during the Games provided a psychological boost to bilateral relations. The Chinese people were moved by U.S. aid given to the Sichuan earthquake victims, and impressed that President Bush attended the Olympics over strident Western criticism of China during the unrest in Tibet. More concretely, U.S. security cooperation with China during the Games was very good, Xia notes, especially the U.S. contribution of advanced technological equipment to assist Chinese efforts. Zhuang Jianzhong similarly believes many Chinese were grateful for President Bush's strong support during "a hard spring," and that this U.S. support contributed to an Olympics that was "a success for the whole world." CHINESE VISA RESTRICTIONS -------------- ¶5. (C) On the issue of prospective foreign visitors experiencing difficulties and delays in obtaining Chinese visas before the Olympics, Wu admits having "heard about the problem" and believes such cases arose primarily from "political concerns" over "specific individuals." Ding, however, is optimistic the problems will not surface again in advance of the 2010 World Expo in Shanghai. Politics is simply more sensitive in a political center like Beijing, Ding argues, but Shanghai is SHANGHAI 00000410 002 OF 003 China's open, economic center. Besides, China has now put on a successful Olympics, Ding points out, so World Expo organizers will surely draw many lessons from that experience. JURY STILL OUT ON CONTINUED REFORM -------------- ¶6. (C) According to Wu, many Chinese regard as unprecedented the level and depth of media coverage permitted on the May Sichuan earthquake, as well as increased access to previously restricted internet websites during the Olympics. At the same time, Wu observes, a debate continues within the Chinese leadership regarding whether these freedoms should be normalized. True reform cannot merely react to specific events but must fall within a broader social context, Wu contends, and it is unclear that these developments represent a "strategic realignment" rather than "tactical adjustments." Any further social and political opening is most likely to proceed at the pace of "two steps forward, one step back." ¶7. (C) Wu claims that social tensions are "a real concern" to the Chinese leadership, and that a consensus is finally emerging that officials must be held responsible for their decisions. Wu expects Beijing will take some initiative in the area of social and political reforms this year, perhaps during the Communist Party Committee session in December. Wu also confirms a Party Plenum has been scheduled for sometime in October; its agenda will focus on rural development and a roadmap for reforms. ¶8. (C) Still, Wu points out, social unrest is no small problem, with over 250 "mass incidents" estimated to occur every day in China. Several recent high profile cases, including the murder of a girl in Guizhou and a riot in Yunnan between local peasants and a rubber industry investor, have only increased the pressure on the Chinese leadership. At the same time, Wu observes, even if Beijing learns to improve its approach and transparency, the lesson will not necessarily carry over to localities. The unfolding milk powder scandal, in which dairy products tainted with melamine have sickened Chinese children, is a case in point. Although Central Government intervention later pushed the Hebei Provincial Government to reverse course, local authorities initially "took the old approach" and tried to cover up wrongdoing when it was revealed. Pressure from ordinary citizens also played an important role, Wu notes. When it became clear the Central Government refused to be made to take responsibility for the fiasco, many Chinese realized they could hold local authorities' feet to the fire without fear or repercussion to themselves; local officials are being forced by the center to take responsibility for actions or omissions at the local level. The important point, Wu avers, is that Party and government officials are being punished in this fiasco. BILATERAL RELATIONSHIP A MATURE ONE... -------------- ¶9. (C) Reflecting on the thirty years of U.S.-China relations, Wu believes their most important legacy has been establishing an effective bilateral framework. Both sides now have a clear idea of their differences, where their concerns intersect, and how to maturely deal with the other. More recently, Wu continues, the strong personal relationship between Presidents Hu and Bush has further enhanced bilateral ties. Hu is privately comfortable with President Bush in a way Hu is not around other leaders, Wu contends. When Hu welcomed President Bush to the Olympics and referred to him as "my friend," this was "no token gesture," but an expression of Hu's true feelings. ¶10. (C) Zhuang believes that, on the whole, bilateral relations have reached a "new stage" where the United States and China enjoy more common ground on issues as varied as the Six-Party Talks and the Georgia crisis. Zhuang points to the August 28 Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit joint statement -- which Beijing played a key role in drafting, and which calls on member states to respect states' territorial integrity -- as evidence that Chinese and international norms are converging. As for North Korea, "time will show how important a role China can play," Zhuang concludes. SHANGHAI 00000410 003 OF 003 ...THOUGH POTENTIAL IRRITANTS REMAIN -------------- ¶11. (C) Wu acknowledges, however, that China has a number of short-term policy concerns. Beijing is closely monitoring how President Bush decides to act on arms sales to Taiwan, and is anxious to strengthen the bilateral economic relationship during the next Strategic Economic Dialogue (SED) in December. In addition, Wu fears there will be little progress made in the Six-Party Talks. Although "the ball is currently in North Korea's court," Pyongyang may have decided to wait out the Bush Administration. ¶12. (C) Xia reports that many Chinese believe that the Bush Administration gave Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili at least a tacit go-ahead to strike South Ossetia. This was a bad move, Xia argues, because Moscow is much stronger than it was a decade ago. Russia has a revived economy, greater political stability, and is regrouping as a military power. Wu notes that Beijing has been very cautious on the Georgia crisis. China is refraining from open criticism of Russia because of "national interests," Wu admits, but sees echoes of cross-Strait politics in Georgia's difficulties with its breakaway provinces. Ding points out that while some observers have argued China stands to benefit from deteriorating U.S.-Russian relations, Beijing has not played the "Russia card." In any event, Xia cautions, more U.S. pressure on Russia will only elicit a sharp reaction. ¶13. (C) On the Six-Party Talks, Xia argues the United States must act now to remove North Korea from the State Sponsors of Terror list and from Trading with the Enemy Act (TWEA) restrictions. Pyongyang is using U.S. inaction as an excuse to do nothing, Xia asserts; a quick delisting would allow the other Six-Party member states to credibly put pressure on North Korea. Xia considers the most important accomplishment the Six-Party Talks might achieve to be securing North Korea's existing stock of nuclear materials. Such items are easily transportable across borders, Xia notes, and "there is no telling where they might wind up" if the current regime in Pyongyang implodes. Xia said North Korea has produced sixty-two kilograms of plutonium. Xia concludes that Beijing and Washington must begin bilateral discussions addressing the contingency of regime collapse. Referring to reports that North Korean leader Kim Jong-il is in poor health, Xia speculates Kim has fewer than five years to live, though "he may pull through this time." U.S. POLITICS -------------- ¶14. (C) Both Wu and Zhuang agree there is largely consensus on international issues between the U.S. presidential candidates, Senators Barack Obama and John McCain, and believe U.S. domestic issues will decide the race. Ding, meanwhile, is relieved that China has not emerged as a political issue during the campaign. Wu points out that, apart from the presidential contest, U.S. political history is currently in vogue among Chinese leaders. In fact, many are reading about President Theodore Roosevelt's life and times, hoping to glean insights into the United States' handling of its industrial development at the turn of the 20th century, regarded as roughly equivalent to China's current stage of economic development. In the coming year, Wu's hunch is that Beijing will become more inwardly focused, as Beijing takes time to become acquainted with the new administration in Washington. The close relationship between Hu and Bush, Wu laments, may not be so easily replaced. CAMP