ECUADOR: THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY'S THREE MONTH

C O N F I D E N T I A L QUITO 000223 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/05/2018 TAGS: PGOV MARR SNAR EC SUBJECT: ECUADOR: THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY'S THREE MONTH BENCHMARK Classified By: DCM Jefferson Brown for reason 1.4 (D) ¶1. (SBU) Summary: Half way into the Constituent Assembly's six month tenure, the Ecuadorian people have finally obtained a glimpse of what their new constitution might look like. President CorreaQs Proud and Sovereign Fatherland (PAIS) political movement prepared a proposal for the structure of the new constitution, which is being considered by the Assembly plenary. Assembly committees are moving the first articles of the constitution forward for plenary consideration, including language that would prohibit extension of the U.S. Forward Operating Location (FOL) in Manta under current terms. This concerted and public focus on constitutional issues follows a dip in the polling numbers on confidence in the Constituent Assembly after several weeks devoted to debating specific laws rather than the new constitution. (End Summary) CONSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURE UNVEILED -------------- ¶2. (SBU) Assembly President Alberto Acosta (PAIS) presented a proposal for the framework of new constitution, called a "skeleton." While PAIS portrayed it as a starting-point designed to trigger debate, the opposition thought otherwise. The main criticism was that the proposal did not emerge from discussion, let along consensus, within the committees or across party blocs. Assembly member Mae Montano (A New Option - UNO) argued that the procedure was in violation of the internal rules of the Assembly. The Assembly started debating the structure on February 27. The complete framework (in Spanish) can be seen at: http://www.asambleaconstituyente.gov.ec/docum entos/propuesta _de_acuerdo_pais.pdf) ¶3. (SBU) The six-page framework document does not include specifics, but provides chapter and section titles. There are no big surprises, but there are some notable elements: -- Five branches of government instead of three. The two additional are "Citizen Power" and an electoral branch. -- A "decentralized regime of autonomies" which would allow autonomous regions and/or provinces at the intermediate level. -- Five chapters devoted to development, including provisions for planning. The constitution would define different types of property. -- Preamble assigning blame to the country's elite for injustices in the past. -- A chapter each on Latin American integration and migrants. SOVEREIGNTY COMMITTEE RECOMMENDATIONS -------------- ¶4. (C) Only the committee on Sovereignty, International Relations and Latin American Integration has managed to approve constitutional articles for consideration by the plenary. The committee appears to have drafted this language quickly under pressure for the Assembly to show results. At MFA's February 11 reception for Codel Engel, which was less than two weeks before the committee announced the text of the articles, Committee president Maria Augusta Calle and member Paco Velasco told PolChief that the committee was discussing only principles, not specific text, and that it planned gatherings in Quito and Guayaquil in mid-March to solicit citizen input. ¶5. (SBU) The shortest of the five articles generated the most debate within the committee. It reads: "Ecuador is a territory of peace. Therefore, no foreign military bases or facilities with military purposes will be allowed on it." This language would prohibit the extension of the U.S. Forward Operating Location (FOL) in Manta as currently configured. Some Assembly members pressed for language terminating the FOL agreement immediately instead of allowing it to remain until November 2009, but that move did not prevail. Committee president Calle told the press that the FOL "is a topic on which judgment was already passed; next year the term will expire and it will leave." ¶6. (SBU) The rest of the articles define the territory of Ecuador, declare it indivisible, proclaim that its natural resources belong to the people of Ecuador, and establish Ecuador's rights over its geostationary orbit. QUEST FOR POPULAR SUPPORT -------------- ¶7. (SBU) Public image is a major concern for the PAIS government and the Constituent Assembly leadership in an election year (the constitutional referendum and national and local elections). The Assembly hired Santiago Perez to conduct weekly public opinion surveys. The newspaper Hoy revealed that the government spent $6.9 million on 40 official advertising campaigns during 2007. Frequent government ads extolling the accomplishments of the Correa government and the Assembly continue. ¶8. (SBU) February polls on the Constituent Assembly showed a profound divergence of results depending on the source. Official pollster Perez, who offered the most accurate predictions leading up to the Constituent Assembly elections in September 2007, reported a 53% confidence rate, which is 8% less than in January. ¶9. (SBU) According to the Cedatos polling firm - which the government accuses of supporting private interests - the Assembly's confidence rate was at 36%, down from 62% since last November. Cedatos also reported that 61% of Ecuadorians thought that the Assembly's full powers were dictatorial. ¶10. (SBU) An ongoing corruption scandal has added to doubts about the Assembly's credibility. A video showing Assembly member Luis Logrono (Patriotic Society Party, PSP) conspiring to buy votes is the talk of the town. While facing a dose of intra-party criticism, the PSP supported Logrono, arguing in his defense that he was collaborating with a military intelligence service. To the delight of President Correa, the affair reflected poorly on PSP founder and former President Lucio Gutierrez, who seeks to regain eligibility to run for office in this year's elections. The Prosecutor General, who was appointed by the Assembly, is investigating the case. LEGALITY A DIFFERENT QUESTION -------------- ¶11. (SBU) The judiciary's highest body backed the Constituent Assembly's powers. On February 26, the Constitutional Tribunal ratified the Assembly's self-declared full powers, denying a writ that challenged the Assembly's first mandate, which defined those powers. ¶12. (SBU) The new president of the Supreme Court, Roberto Gomez Mera, is the only government official to recognize publicly that the Assembly's actions are not consistent with the rule of law. He told the press he hoped the Assembly process would conclude and the country return swiftly to constitutionality. COMMENT -------------- ¶13. (C) PAIS's notion of "openness" does not appear to include either the opposition or other groups that may be challenging them. Minority Assembly members often complain to the press about being left out. As part of its insular attitude, PAIS staff refuses to facilitate meetings for embassy officers with Assembly members (even those members who told us that the press distorts the Assembly's work and welcomed a chance to explain it). PAIS leadership also reportedly prohibited its members from accepting the EmbassyQs offer to tour the Manta FOL and receive a full command briefing. The government is highly sensitive to public opinion, and is investing efforts and resources to shape it. For better or worse, this will be PAIS's constitution. BROWN