PREVAL SEEKS NEW PM CANDIDATE; SAYS HAITIAN PEOPLE

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SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/15/2018
TAGS: PGOV HA
SUBJECT: PREVAL SEEKS NEW PM CANDIDATE; SAYS HAITIAN PEOPLE
WILL HOLD PARLIAMENT ACCOUNTABLE FOR BOB MANUEL'S DEFEAT


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Classified By: Ambassador Janet A. Sanderson, reason
1.4(b) and (d).


1. (C) Summary. On June 13, I met with President Preval for
50 minutes to discuss the political impasse which has left
Haiti without a functioning government for more two months.
The previous day, the lower house of Parliament had soundly
rejected Preval's second prime ministerial candidate, his
close friend Bob Manuel. Preval rejects any notion that he is
in some part responsible for Manuel's failure, or that of his
first prime ministerial candidate, Eric Pierre. He has no
plans to approach his third nomination any differently,
arguing that the responsibility rests with parliament. He
denied that he did not support the two candidates
sufficiently but said that he refused to trade ministerial
posts and other perks for votes. I told Preval that he needed
to find a way out of this stalemate, which is now having a
major impact on the country and its ability to address the
concerns of those in need. Preval counseled patience, telling
me that these things take time. While he is indeed correct,
Preval will have to seek some type of accommodation with the
parliament to put a government in place; whether the famously
stubborn president will learn from past mistakes remains to
be seen. End Summary.


2. (C) At my request, on June 13 I met with President Preval
to discuss the political impasse which has left Haiti without
a functioning government for two months. During our 50 minute
meeting, he was accompanied by political counselor Paul
Denis, until I requested greater privacy half way through the
session. The previous day, the Lower House of Parliament had
soundly rejected Preval's second prime ministerial candidate
- and best friend - Bob Manuel. Despite this rejection,
Preval told me that he was at ease with his actions over the
past weeks. He assured me that that he has already
identified a new candidate, a "good candidate," and is
awaiting that individual's go-ahead to announce his (or her)
name. Preval believes that if this individual (who some
believe to be FOKAL President and former Preval business
partner Michelle Pierre-Louis) accepts the post, a new PM
could be in place "in a couple of weeks." He provided no
explanation of his optimism.


3. (C) Preval rejects the notion that he is responsible in
any way for Manuel's failure, or that of his first candidate,
economist Eric Pierre. He believes he managed both
nominations correctly, presenting parliament with excellent
choices who met the constitution's requirements. He has, he
said, no intention to approach his next nomination any
differently. He fulfilled his constitutional obligations but
parliament did not. Parliamentarians bargained, bartered, and
threatened not to confirm his candidates, demanding in
exchange for yes votes cabinet posts, projects in their
districts, and employment for their families and hangers-on.
He would not, Preval repeatedly argued, negotiate away the
position of Prime Minister by trading portfolios and
positions. Furthermore, Preval said emphatically, he would
not "compromise" in any way.


4. (C) Preval disputed some parliamentarians' allegations
that he has refused to engage with them. He told me that he
has met numerous times with political parties and
parliamentary blocs to discuss his PM candidates. All
parliamentarians want to do, he observes, is push their own
personal agendas. For instance, he said, one key demand from
the CPP was support for their re-election as a bloc. Preval
refused to negotiate on this point; many of these individuals
"were not fit for government" and candidates should be judged
on their performance, not on their political affiliation.
Manuel had agreed to help Lespwa members campaign, yet they
still turned on him.


5. (C) Preval argued repeatedly that he is attempting to end
the politicking and "revenge" politics that has marked
Haitian political life for so long. He acknowledged that
there was a certain "pedagogical" aspect as well to his
position. Parliament must, he stated, learn to accept
responsibility for governing. It is an immature institution
which has not yet taken on its full responsibilities.
Parliament would be held accountable for its actions, as he
is for his own. He believes, he told me, that the people
understand that parliament is playing with the nation's
future with these votes. Haitians will hold their
representatives responsible; the more Parliament postures and
rejects his candidates, the more they discredit themselves.
He believes that the population will not allow Parliament to

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vote down another candidate.


6. (C) Preval conceded that the political situation has
deteriorated in recent months. But he placed the blame on
OPL and Fusion, arguing repeatedly that they opened a
Pandora's Box when they forced Prime Minister Alexis's
dismissal in April. Preval told me that he warned them they
were playing with fire, that removing Alexis would destroy
the governing coalition and cause a rearrangement of the
political groupings in parliament. But they were determined,
Preval said, to get back at Alexis for real or imagined
slights. The result has been disarray and dissension in
Haiti's political class.


7. (C) I told Preval that the U.S. has clearly demonstrated
its strong support for Haiti over the years of his mandate.
It is important that this transitional period in Haiti's
political evolution - his presidency - succeed and create a
good future for Haitians. We had, in response to the
humanitarian crisis on the ground, ramped up our already
generous assistance levels to give him and Haiti's political
class some breathing space to address the political situation
and create a political dialogue. The longer this process
takes, the harder it becomes and the more fragile his own
position is. Haiti's time is now: it is unclear when these
factors - strong international engagement, a security
presence, and major financial commitments - will line up
again for Haiti. Haiti has indeed come a long way, but lack
of a government is being felt at every level and hampering
our ability to help the country - and him. He needs, I told
Preval, to work with Parliament and the political parties, to
find a way to move this matter off of square one. Only then
could the needs of the Haitian people be met. Engaging
parliament, talking to the people, these are critical duties
of the president.


8. (C) Preval listened intently to my comments, but made
little specific response. He counseled patience in the
international community, remarking that I was the third
ambassador visiting him in the past 36 hours to express our
concerns. He acknowledged that two months of governmental
"immobilisme" is not good but noted that other countries - he
referred to Italy and Belgium (with no sense of irony
whatsoever) - had gone without governments and managed.
Preval argued that there have been important changes here
since 2004, and the political process in play now is too
important to rush or to panic. This process, however
protracted, is part of the institutionalization of Haiti's
democracy. Parliament must be held accountable, it must learn
it cannot function in the way it has in the past by trading
favors and acting on personal agendas. Preval told me that
this must play itself out "step by step." It is hard, he
claimed, but there is no choice is we want him to hand over a
functioning government to the next president.


9. (C) Comment. Preval is framing his argument with
parliament in terms of good governance: the president is
trying to impose good order and discipline on Haiti's unruly
political process by insisting that parliament meet its
constitutional responsibilities. It is an argument that falls
short - he has equal responsibility for getting a government
in place. When Preval does indeed nominate a new PM
candidate, he will have to reach some kind of accommodation
with the parliamentarians, or that individual will suffer the
same fate as his/her predecessors. Although famously
stubborn, Preval has in the past shown some inclination to
learn from his mistakes. It's unclear if this indeed is one
of those times. The president's political allies and friends,
worried about their own futures, are pressing him to act
decisively. That, coupled with our own interventions and
that of regional partners, may make a difference as Preval
weighs the options but the decision will be his alone.
SANDERSON