CAMBODIAN ELECTORAL PROCESSES OFFER IMPROVED

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 PHNOM PENH 000630 ****CORRECTED COPY (ADDRESSES ADDED)******* SIPDIS STATE FOR EAP/FO, EAP/MLS, EAP/PD, P, D, DRL E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/30/2018 TAGS: PGOV KDEM PHUM CB SUBJECT: CAMBODIAN ELECTORAL PROCESSES OFFER IMPROVED FREEDOM TO CHOOSE BUT REQUIRE CORRECTIVE MEASURES FOR FUTURE REF: A. PHNOM PENH 622 ¶B. PHNOM PENH 613 ¶C. PHNOM PENH 611 ¶D. PHNOM PENH 602 ¶E. PHNOM PENH 601 ¶F. PHNOM PENH 576 ¶G. PHNOM PENH 575 ¶H. PHNOM PENH 570 ¶I. PHNOM PENH 565 Classified By: AMBASSADOR JOSEPH A. MUSSOMELI FOR REASONS 1.4 (B,D) ¶1. (C) SUMMARY: Given the overall peaceful atmosphere of Cambodia's July 27 National Assembly election and its generally competent conduct, the contesting parties (especially the ruling Cambodian People's Party) and the CPP-dominated National Election Committee (NEC) deserve some recognition for attempting to improve on past performances. Assessing the main flaws -- limits to NEC independence; unequal media access for political parties; and the cost (in real voters removed from voter rolls) associated with the beneficial erasure of 450,000 ghost voters -- the election fell short of some international standards. However, examining the great freedoms given to all candidates to speak their minds during hundreds of hours of mass media exposure over the 30-day campaign period, and given the limited violence and intimidation, combined with a competently and smoothly conducted election day, embassy concludes that the Cambodian election was substantially freer than any previous election held in Cambodia, was free from violence, and allowed the Cambodian people to express their will in a more open and equitable atmosphere. END SUMMARY. ¶2. (SBU) A fundamental flaw in the Cambodian electoral process known to all parties since the beginning of the election year is the overwhelming domination of mass media by the CPP, though the print press is indeed quite free and at least a dozen newspapers with lively commentaries appear on newsstands every day. During the 30-day election campaign itself, the ten parties other than CPP had abundant opportunity to get their message out on TV and radio airwaves (Ref I) and embassy observations on the campaign trail documented the greater freedom of parties to circulate without hindrance. NDI-sponsored debates held in 10 provinces and carried in national radio and televisions broadcasts, gave the people a chance to put questions directly to the candidates running in their provinces. The questions were not always easy and the citizen questioners dramatically showcased an electorate that understood it could use the power of the poll to remind politicians they had a vital social contract with their voters to deliver services and development. ¶3. (C) The disenfranchisement of more than 50,000 voters in the voter list clean-up process (Ref I) was a disappointing development, even though this group represented less than seven tenths of one percent of all the registered voters. This issue relates more to the registration process which, while flawed, is steadily improving. As our Embassy mission observed -- confirmed by an independent NICFEC survey -- the vast majority of registered voters were able to locate their polling stations and cast their votes. ¶4. (C) The structure of the NEC and the legal framework of the election law also require more attention. A more independent agency with greater budgetary freedom and with greater powers in certain areas to protect the integrity of the election will bring the election process closer to an international standard. Nonetheless, the NEC is improving its performance and this greater impartiality translates into more political freedoms for parties and their supporters, as well as a more nearly fair election process. Although a majority of the members on the NEC are former CPP members (all members must resign from party and government positions),the electoral body also has some savvy former opposition party members and, as a group, they appear intent on a path to achieve a more neutral stance. However the legal and budgetary framework of the NEC's operation does not permit it the independence it requires. ¶5. (SBU) On election day, if a well-conducted NICFEC Sample Based Observation study is any indication, the overwhelming majority of Cambodians went to the polls, only a minuscule percentage seemed to have been under pressure, the sanctity of the secret ballot was preserved, and the voters made well-informed choices about their next leaders. For these reasons, post recommends our evaluation reflect some of the advances made over both the 2007 Commune Council and 2003 National Assembly elections. Given the absence of concrete evidence that alleged irregularities were significant or widespread, and given our own observations that PHNOM PENH 00000630 002 OF 003 irregularities occurred in a small fraction of cases, we conclude that the election was largely equitably conducted. ¶6. (SBU) Post proposes the following language in our evaluation of the Cambodian election. BEGIN TEXT OF PROPOSED ELECTION EVALUATION: The Cambodian election for members to the National Assembly on July 27, 2008, was freer than any previously held election and the vast majority of Cambodia's registered voters were able to express their will in a more open atmosphere than before. Although some significant irregularities persist, they were relatively low in number and they do not appear to have affected the outcome or to have distorted the will of the Cambodian people, who have chosen representatives from five different parties to serve them in the National Assembly. A significant number of Cambodians participated in an election day process which was conducted in a peaceful manner with professional conduct by most polling staff and political party agents. International observers, including 47 teams from the U.S. Embassy, traveled freely around the country to observe the election, which capped a process that has generally been an improvement over past Cambodian elections. U.S. Embassy observers registered with the National Election Committee (NEC) since October 2007, monitored the voter registration process, the voter list clean-up and proposed deletions, the registration of political parties and candidates, the preparation and distribution of voting materials, activities during the 30-day campaign period (in some 19 out of Cambodia's 24 provinces and municipalities) and election day processes (in 18 provinces). The following observations negatively affected the election's fully meeting international standards: Outside the 30-day campaign period, the opposition parties' access to television broadcasting was minimal and the CPP dominated the airwaves. While more radio stations broadcast more independent and opposition views, including independent news from overseas media outlets, hindrances to their operations persisted. Equitable access by the parties to the media during the 30-day campaign period was better than in past elections, especially on state-run TVK television. However, the dominance of private TV stations, which aired little or no news about parties other than the CPP, reflects a virtual monopoly by the CPP of the media and imbalanced the desired level playing field for contesting the elections. Access by voters to their polling stations was a problem in some areas of the country. In 75 percent of all polling stations only a few persons could not find their names or the location where they should vote. However, a Sample Based Observation conducted by NICFEC showed that, in 24.9 percent of all polling stations, five or more voters came to the polling station but failed to find their name on the voters list. Although this access problem represents a small percentage of the voter population, it reflects problems with the Voter Information Notices (VIN),the re-assignment of voters to different polling stations from one election to the next, and the deletion in 2007 of legitimate voters many of whom had exercised their suffrage in four previous national polls. The deletion of as many as 57,000 legitimate voters from the voter rolls during the voter list clean-up was a high price to pay for the successful removal of over 450,000 ghost voters from the registration list. This estimate of voters' names deleted is based on a survey sample -- the number deleted could be lower. The 57,000 figure would represent between six-tenths and seven-tenths of one percent of Cambodia's 8.1 million voters. It is noteworthy that voters whose names were deleted were given the opportunity during a 35-day period in 2007 to review deletion lists publicly posted and to contest the deletion. Virtually all who took steps to protest the deletion of their names were re-instated. The National Election Committee (NEC) should be applauded for more active reconciliation of local election-related complaints where possible -- through Commune Election Committees -- and for speedy handling of all election-related complaints which, taken as a whole, were significantly lower than in the 2003 election. However, the legal framework for the NEC, the limited scope of its powers, and its lack of institutional and financial independence hamper its effectiveness and its ability to achieve fair and equitable PHNOM PENH 00000630 003 OF 003 elections. Any registered voter should be able to fully assert identity so that access to the polls is guaranteed. Although the Royal Cambodian Government has succeeded in distributing over 100,000 national ID cards during the last year, the use of 1018 forms to assert identity during the election was a regular occurrence and did not appear to be stringently controlled. Abuses of 1018 forms ranged from isolated cases of identity theft of an eligible voter, to the more widespread illegal preparation and handing out 1018 forms on the day of the election when these documents should have been executed prior to election day. Evidence to date indicates these abuses occurred on a relatively small scale in some areas of the country and did not affect the outcome of the election. END TEXT MUSSOMELI