SCENESETTER FOR VICE ADMIRAL WIERINGA DPPG AUGUST

UNCLAS NEW DELHI 002078 SENSITIVE SIPDIS FOR VICE ADMIRAL WIERINGA FROM CHARGE D,AFFAIRES STEVEN WHITE E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: IN MASS MOPS PARM PREL XD SUBJECT: SCENESETTER FOR VICE ADMIRAL WIERINGA DPPG AUGUST 2008 VISIT TO INDIA ¶1. (SBU) The Country Team and I warmly welcome you to India. Your visit comes at an important juncture in our military relationship with India. The commanding position that the Soviet Union and later Russia enjoyed on military sales to India is weakening, the Ministry of Defense is progressing in its struggle to reform a heretofore convoluted and opaque procurement system, there is strong interest within the Services in high-tech US equipment, and funds are available for very substantial purchases. Within the bounds of a well thought-out disclosure policy, we strongly support a robust military sales program with India and look forward to the day when the United States supplants the Russians as India,s vendor of choice. A strong military sales program will build on the robust exercise program we enjoy with the Indian Military and provide substantial benefits in terms of interoperability and access. There are, however, substantial unresolved issues including Transfer of Technology (TOT),End Use Monitoring and Enhanced End Use Monitoring (EUM/EEUM), and India,s failure to sign basic agreements such as the Classified Information Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA). We anticipate all these issues and specifics about ongoing and planned purchases will be discussed during your calls on government officials and during the DPPG Mid-Year Review. We look forward to working with you and DSCA to move these issues toward resolution. -------------- U.S.-India Relations -------------- ¶2. (U) Long term prospects for a closer, abiding bilateral relationship with a vibrant, prosperous India are very strong - and remain of strategic importance to the U.S. With India expected to surpass China as the fastest growing economy in 2015, this may well become our most important bilateral relationship within 20 years. Your visit helps demonstrate the vitality and breadth of our relationship, which now touches on almost all areas of human endeavor. Our Embassy is trying to put out the public message that there are numerous natural complementarities and deep linkages between our two countries. We hope that the more these linkages bring visible benefits to ordinary Indians, the more the outdated socialist ideology of the Left and still formidable protectionist forces will be seen as incurring heavy costs to India and its people. The recent confidence vote in the Indian Parliament, which saw the Congress-party led government survive after its former coalition partner (Communist-party) pulled out over the U.S.-India civil nuclear deal, was an encouraging sign. The bright spot remains the private sector's exponential growth and people-to-people ties between the U.S. and India, to which government-to-government ties ultimately must catch up. -------------- The Civil Nuclear Cooperation Initiative -------------- ¶3. (SBU) President Bush and Prime Minister Singh pledged in July 2005 to take a series of reciprocal steps that would culminate in the opening of India's formerly sanctioned civil nuclear market. India completed the first milestone on March 2, 2006 by releasing a plan to separate its civilian and strategic nuclear programs in a phased manner, and pledging to place its civilian facilities under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. An overwhelming, bipartisan majority in the U.S. Congress then approved in December 2006 the Hyde Act, which set forth the terms under which the U.S. and India could engage in civil nuclear trade. The U.S. and India then concluded an Agreement for Peaceful Nuclear Cooperation, also known as the 123 Agreement, in July 2007. The Communist parties, part of India,s Congress Party-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government, obstructed the implementation of the 123 Agreement by threatening to withdraw support from the government if it were to proceed with the Agreement because they felt it would bring India too close to the U.S. The opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) which had initiated the process leading to the 123 Agreement under the previous government - also opposed the initiative because it claimed that the terms of the Hyde Act and 123 Agreement placed additional constraints on India's nuclear weapons program. This impasse was broken when Prime Minister Manmohan Singh threatened to resign rather than face President Bush at the G8 Summit this past July without being able to demonstrate progress on the initiative. His party and much of the governing coalition backed him, but the Communists withdrew their support and called for a confidence vote in the government. The government cobbled together a new coalition and prevailed by a narrow margin in the dramatic July 22 confidence vote, which was viewed as much as a vote ON the nuclear initiative as for the government. The UPA government,s victory provides it with the opportunity to push through several additional steps necessary to complete the U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Cooperation Initiative. The Indian government and the USG are pressing the 35 Board members of the nuclear watch-dog International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to approve of India,s safeguards agreement at its meeting on August 1. The 45 members of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG),which licenses trade in nuclear technology, will then meet in August to consider granting a special India-specific exemption to allow India, as a non-signatory of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation (NPT) treaty, to engage in civil nuclear commerce globally. The USG is also working with India to meet its nonproliferation obligations as set forth in the Hyde Act. Once the President determines that all these steps have been completed, the Administration will submit the 123 Agreement to the U.S. Congress for an up-or-down vote of approval. Civil nuclear cooperation between the U.S. and India will benefit both countries through enhanced energy security, more robust nonproliferation efforts, greater economic opportunities, and a clean energy source to fuel India,s growing economy without carbon emissions. -------------- MILITARY TO MILITARY -------------- ¶4. (SBU) The trend in the U.S.-India security relationship is positive, despite irritants such as unsigned agreements on logistics support and the sharing of classified information, which have lingered for years. The Indian military - particularly the Navy - generally is more willing to push the envelope on closer relations than any other GOI body. Malabar 2007 brought Japan, Australia and Singapore together with the U.S. and India for the first time for naval exercises. Red Flag 2008 (9-22 AUG 08) in the Nevada desert marks the Indian Air Force,s (IAF) first deployment to the CONUS to participate in a coalition exercise. The first ever U.S.-India cooperation under the Global Peacekeeping Operations Initiative (GPOI) took place in April 2008 when India sent forces to participate in the GPOI capstone event Shanti-Dooti in Bangladesh. With India as a significant player in PKO participation and training, there is hope for expanding GPOI cooperation. Secretary Gates visited India February 26-27, the first visit by the U.S. Secretary of Defense since Secretary Rumsfeld signed the Defense Framework Agreement in June 2005, and solidified gains in mil-to-mil relations. ¶5. (SBU) Defense sales, dormant for over 40 years, have begun to take off, with a billion-dollar deal for six C-130Js finalized in January as the latest breakthrough. We're hoping to finalize a separate billion dollar deal for P-8I maritime patrol aircraft, and both Boeing and Lockheed Martin are competitors for the estimated USD 10 billion Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) bid expected to be decided in 2009. The technical bids, which include transfer of technology (ToT) requirements, for the MMRCA are currently under review by the Indian Air Force (IAF) Technical Evaluation Committee (TEC). During recent meetings to review clarifications sought by the TEC, the U.S. competitors were both told that the IAF required all the compliance and restriction documents to be signed as part of the deal (at least in draft language) so that all requirements could be understood. As you know, future military sales to India are dependent on Indian acceptance and implementation of EUM/EEUM requirements. Although India agreed to the language for the Boeing VVIP aircraft presented by Mr. Shivers, our sense is that there is still considerable misunderstanding and distrust of EUM/EEUM requirements. Senior IAF Officers have told us they would not have proceeded with the Boeing VVIP aircraft purchase had they understood the EEUM requirements. The IAF,s recent request for all EUM/EEUM language relating to MMRCA is an attempt to determine the impacts and implications such agreements will have. The unwillingness of the Indian Navy to agree to EUM verification of their NVD,s is but one example of their continued resistance. Another issue which begs further discussion and understanding is ToT. During the recent TEC meeting on the MMRCA proposals; it was clear that the HAL representative felt that the level of ToT was not sufficient. We believe it would be useful during your discussions to raise the issue to fully understand the Indian expectations on this topic. Such a discussion will at a minimum, aid us in our technology release debates as the MMRCA process continues. The recent Indian requests for assurances on technology release approval, is the most recent indicator from the Indian side that this issue is a point of contention. We fully expect that your counterparts will insist on maximum release of all the technologies for the aircraft and its avionics/subsystems to enable the Indian Defense Industry the ability to indigenously produce, maintain and repair components. Such a capability is their stated goal/requirement. ¶6. (U) Through the IMET program, India currently sends exceptional officers to attend our War Colleges and Post Graduate Schools. In fact, we have preprocessed "stand-by" candidates should end-of-year funds become available. This was not always the case. When the IMET began here in the 1980s, there was little interest in sending officers to the U.S. for training and almost half of the allocated funds were not spent because the Indian military did not make officers available. Of the three Service Chiefs, the Air Chief Marshall attended the APCSS Senior Executive Course, and the present Vice Chief of Naval Staff is a Naval War College graduate. Returning students universally report a positive experience in America and excellent training. We recently wrote to the Joint Secretary (Training) & Chief Administration Officer, Ministry of Defense (MoD),to recommend that the Government of India begin paying for the travel of students going to the U.S. This would allow us to stretch IMET funds and send more students to training. We ask that you encourage your Indian MoD counterparts to fund a portion of IMET training and expand their program accordingly. This would be in line with the Government of India,s recent decision to match U.S. Fulbright scholarship funds to increase the number of students attending schools in the U.S. -------------- TERRORISM/COUNTERTERRORISM -------------- ¶7. (SBU) India continues to rank among the world's most terror-afflicted countries. The conflict in Jammu and Kashmir, attacks by extreme leftist Naxalites and Maoists in eastern and central India, assaults by ethno-linguistic nationalists in the northeastern states, and terrorist strikes nationwide by Islamic extremists took more than 2,300 lives in 2007. There were several major attacks linked to Islamic extremists in 2007 and 2008. Indian officials claim that the perpetrators of these attacks have links to groups based in Pakistan and Bangladesh, particularly Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammad, and Harkat-ul-Jihad Islami, among others. The violence in Jammu and Kashmir abated somewhat in 2007, but attacks are expected to increase in the lead up to State elections in October 2008. Officials have not yet pointed to suspected perpetrators of last week,s bombings in Bangalore and Ahmedabad, which killed at least 40 people, but an e-mail from a group calling itself Islamic Mujahedeen claimed responsibility for the Ahmedabad attacks. Prime Minister Singh has called leftist extremist (Maoist or agrarian Naxalite) groups, "the greatest threat to India's internal stability and democratic culture." Leftist extremist groups are very active in wide areas of impoverished rural eastern and central India; and also operate in parts of southern India. Ethno-linguistic separatist groups carried out deadly attacks in Northeastern India; particularly in the states of Assam, Nagaland, Manipur, Tripura, and Meghalaya. Several proscribed terrorist groups operate in the northeast, including the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) and the People's Liberation Army. ¶8. (SBU) The lack of security, remoteness, and inhospitable terrain combine to prevent the government from providing security and other basic services in many of the areas in which the leftist extremists and the northeastern separatist groups operate. The Indian government's counterterrorism efforts are hampered by its outdated and overburdened law enforcement and legal systems. The Indian court system is slow, laborious, and prone to corruption; terrorism trials can take years to complete. Many of India's local police forces are poorly staffed, lack training, and are ill-equipped to combat terrorism effectively. ¶9. (SBU) The United States cooperates with India under the Counter Terrorism Joint Working Group, which meets annually. Our Anti-Terrorism Assistance program provides training to India's law enforcement officials. One area of concern is that the program will be cut significantly in FY 2009, which is in the beginning stages of developing regional programs in key areas of India. The Office of Defense Cooperation also provides counter terrorism courses to a small number of military and civilian officials. -------------- INDIAN FOREIGN POLICY -------------- ¶10. (SBU) India's current foreign policy can best be summarized as "be friends with everyone," as we can see Delhi keeping one foot squarely inside the Non-Aligned Movement camp, while at the same time increasing engagement with the U.S., China, Russia, EU, and Japan. This has been exemplified recently by India accepting visits from Iranian President Ahmadinejad and Syrian President Assad while considering moving ahead with the civil-nuclear deal and attending the G8 Summit in Hokkaido. The top priorities for India's Foreign Ministry would include: 1) maintaining healthy relations with all neighbors in order to promote Indian interests of stability and access to resources, particularly energy, with Pakistan/Kashmir seen as the most immediate threat and China as the long-term strategic one; 2) completing the US-India civilian-nuclear deal; 3) and pursuing a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, as part of a broader strategy of becoming a more respected global player. Prime Minister Singh recently put his government on the line to move forward on the civil-nuclear deal. We would like to see that strategic decision applied to other areas of cooperation. You may wish to ask your interlocutors what specific steps India plans to take in order to improve the mil to mil relationship. ¶11. (SBU) In addition to the burgeoning U.S.-India relationship, Pakistan and China are the two most immediate issues in Indian foreign policy. U.S. policy in Pakistan is an enigma for India. Delhi shares our belief that stability in Pakistan is in everyone's interest; however, the Indian have serious concerns about terrorist attacks allegedly emanating from Islamabad/ISI - not to mention the legacy of four wars since independence - can't be overrated. As India seeks to attain global power, it has placed greater emphasis on looking beyond conflict with Pakistan and more toward economic growth and power projection. ¶12. (SBU) India has a complex relationship with China. While bilateral trade is booming (China is on track to soon surpass the U.S. as India,s largest trading partner), building a healthy interdependence, political rivalry continues to manifest itself in areas ranging from decades-old border disputes to competition for influence in Burma. Recent feel-good summits between the two countries' leaders were tarnished somewhat by controversies over the border immediately before/after the summits took place with Chinese border incursions are regularly reported in the Indian media. However, the Indian government downplays the instances, noting that the border is not definitively marked and mechanisms are in place to deal with the incursions peacefully. While India has been a welcoming refuge for Tibetan refugees, including the Dalai Lama, in a gesture to Beijing, it does not condone "political activities" by resident Tibetans. -------------- INDIA'S ECONOMIC TRAJECTORY - ONE OF TRANSFORMATION -------------- ¶13. (SBU) You are well aware of India's economic performance that has seen an average annual Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth rate of almost nine percent over the past five years, making India the second fastest growing major emerging economy after China. While some question whether this growth is simply cyclical, we perceive fundamental structural changes underway that are reshaping India's socio-economic landscape. These include the significant rise in savings and investment, the declining share of agriculture in GDP replaced by services, and to a lesser extent industry, and the "market-seeking" flows of foreign direct and portfolio investment into the country. The central bank's tightening monetary policy over the last year, partially a response to higher global commodity prices, is adversely affecting consumer demand in some sectors. This is expected to moderate India's growth in the coming fiscal year, with many economists projecting 7.5 to 8% GDP growth. ¶14. (SBU) Savings have risen over the past decade to roughly 34 percent of GDP, a combination of more corporate saving and less government dis-saving (debt financing). While corporate savings may ebb a bit in the next few years, household savings are also beginning to rise and to become more fluid, moving from government subsidized post office savings deposits to commercial banks and mutual funds. Investment has also grown significantly in recent years, nearing 37 percent of GDP - again, mainly a function of corporate expansion plans, but the government's infrastructure goals are boosting public investment levels as well. Indian economists have noted that many Asian economies hit a "take off" stage in their growth once investment crossed the threshold of 40 percent of GDP. The savings-investment gap is clearly financed through imports and a trade deficit, but other inflows, including the FDI and portfolio investment noted above, have kept the balance of payments in surplus for three years, and boosted foreign exchange reserves to USD 300 billion. ¶15. (SBU) At the same time, India's manufacturing sector is finally showing signs of expansion and global attention. Manufacturing, stuck at roughly 14 percent of GDP for nearly two decades - a stark contrast to many Asian economies' growth trends - grew to 17 percent of GDP last year, and with recent growth, appears likely to continue its increasing contribution to GDP. -------------- BILATERAL TRADE GROWING -------------- ¶16. (SBU) India-U.S. two-way merchandise trade touched USD 42 billion in 2007. Last year, the U.S. trade deficit with India went down 42 percent. Despite this strong growth in the trade relationship, a number of impediments persist and could impact future trade in both directions. U.S. exporters continue to encounter tariff and non-tariff barriers, despite Indian economic reforms and autonomous (non-WTO) reductions in duties applied to industrial goods. ¶17. (SBU) Once again, we look forward to welcoming you back to India and to working with your staff to ensure a successful and productive visit. WHITE