MEDVEDEV - AND PUTIN - DOMINATE MEDIA LEADING TO

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 MOSCOW 000564 SIPDIS SENSITIVE SIPDIS E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PGOV KDEM PHUM KPAO RS SUBJECT: MEDVEDEV - AND PUTIN - DOMINATE MEDIA LEADING TO PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 1.(SBU) Summary: The Russian media's bias towards Kremlin-supported presidential candidate Dmitriy Medvedev came as no surprise in the campaign season, and the sheer lack of suspense may have caused media outlets to do only the minimal required coverage of the campaign. In January and February, government-owned or controlled national television stations highlighted Medvedev's activities, with very little attention to the other three registered candidates. Newspapers and internet discussions offered a more diverse range of commentary and coverage, but given the small audience, had a limited impact on the overall election climate. The government has also employed resources to promote the election turnout, papering public transportation with posters, and pressuring billboard companies to swap profitable advertisements for public service announcements reminding citizens to "vote for Russia's future." End Summary. Television -------------- 2.(U) Although Medvedev dominated the airtime allotted to presidential candidates - in most cases receiving more play that his three rivals combined -- Putin remained central in prime time news coverage. A Center for Journalism in Extreme Situations (CJES) summary of broadcast media showed that in January, Medvedev received up to fifty percent of news time on four of the five main channels. In February, when the official presidential campaign began, Putin regained center stage, commanding an average 55 percent of news time on state-owned Channel One, Rossiya, and TV Centre and Gazprom-owned NTV while Medvedev received from 25 to 40 percent on the same channels. The other candidates received minimal attention from state-owned outlets, garnering 3-6 percent each. 3.(SBU) Only privately-owned REN TV gave any significant airtime to other candidates, but its small market share meant that most Russian TV viewers watched the Kremlin-controlled campaign coverage. In February, REN-TV dedicated 30 percent of prime time news to Putin, 20 percent each to Medvedev, Communist party candidate Gennadiy Zyuganov, and Liberal-Democratic party candidate Vladimir Zhirinovksiy, and 6 percent to Democratic Party candidate Andrey Bogdanov. In January, according to CJES, NTV allocated the bulk of its campaign coverage to Kasyanov's efforts to get on the ballot. In contrast, Channel One, Rossiya and NTV primarily criticized Kasyanov. Zyuganov and outside groups have publicly complained to the Central Election Committee and Moscow City Courts that the state-controlled media was not following Russian law requiring equal coverage for all candidates, but the complaints have been dismissed. 4.(U) The state-controlled media crafted a stately image of Medvedev, whether visiting a three-child family to congratulate their efforts to increase the Russian population or showing Russian support for Serbia in Belgrade. At the same time, Channel One featured Zyuganov visiting a honey expo and described him as a "keen bee-keeper." Another Channel One news program highlighted Liberal- Democratic party candidate Vladimir Zhirinovksiy's visit to a Moscow construction site, learning to plaster a wall, while onlookers muffled giggles. Bogdanov was largely absent from the main airwaves, garnering less that 2 percent of news time, and visible on television mainly during the early morning debates in which Medvedev declined to participate. Print -------------- 5.(SBU) Due to much smaller circulation and waning readership, compared to broadcast media, the print press had less direct pressure from the Kremlin than during the parliamentary elections, and more space to offer independent and often critical analysis of the campaign. Underscoring the conventional wisdom that the election was a formality to Medvedev's presidency, commentary from publications as diverse as the liberal Kommersant to the official government daily Rossiiskaya Gazeta highlighted the lack of real competition among the candidates, including unequal access to the airwaves (in a few cases drawing unfavorable comparisons to the U.S. primaries). Very little personal criticism of Medvedev the candidate appeared, however, and by mid-February, most publications reduced their "campaign" coverage to a minimum and shifted their focus towards speculation on post-election power divisions. 6.(SBU) Transparency International RUSSIA reported that although Medvedev received half the national print press mentions for presidential candidates from December 1, 2007 to MOSCOW 00000564 002 OF 002 February 15, 2008 (296 versus 248 for Zhirinovskiy 237 for Zyuganov, 169 for Kasyanov and 140 for Bogdanov),President Putin still won more press attention, with 862 mentions in the same period. Print publications gave each candidate a fair amount of editorial space, at the same time displaying editorial slants in line with their ownership. Rossiiskaya Gazeta told us they were instructed not to publish any interviews or op-eds from U.S government officials until after March 2. Kommersant, while one of the few publications to criticize the Kremlin and Medvedev, was also suspected of toning down its language because of owner Alisher Usmanov's ties to Gazprom. Quipped a Kommersant foreign correspondent, "There is no doubt that (Editor-in-Chief Andrey) Vasilyev has been talking to the Kremlin on a regular basis throughout the presidential campaign." Radio and Mass Media -------------- 7.(SBU) Like the print press, radio stations' limited and fragmented audience allowed them to air opposition voices, within limits. The hourly news segments of both government-owned national radio networks - Radio Mayak and Radio Rossii - extensively mentioned Medvedev in both his official capacity as First Deputy Prime Minister and as a presidential candidate. Editorially independent Ekho Moskvy continued to offer a wide range of campaign coverage, on the process and the candidates. However, as Editor-in-Chief Aleksey Venediktov noted in an interview, "We are a showcase for the West" so the Kremlin can prove media freedom exists in Russia. ¶8. (SBU) While attention to the campaign dwindled to perfunctory coverage of candidates and renewed focus on President Putin, a drive around Moscow left no doubt that a presidential election was still to come. Striking posters stating "Presidential Elections March 2" superimposed on the Russian flag were found on signs, billboards, metro cars and stations and even adorned public transportation tickets. Large billboards featured well-known politicians, including a casually-dressed Moscow Mayor Luzhkov, with the caption "I'll vote." An executive with Russia's largest outdoor advertising firm freely admitted that the government pressured his partners in Moscow and other cities to bump advertising in favor of public service announcements imploring citizens to vote. "We smile and say, 'Of course!' and only hope we can negotiate a little about the amount of space they will take." "We seem to forget that March 2 is still ahead of us." -------------- -------------- 9.(SBU) Comment: Although the media environment was not fundamentally more restrictive than the run-up to the parliamentary elections in December 2007, coverage and interest decreased - even the outrage and attention to government influence in the media dwindled noticeably. The presumed inevitability of Medvedev's victory may have led all but the state-run outlets to turn their attention to less predictable topics and the state-media channels simply fulfilled their responsibility by covering the Kremlin's candidate. Alternative voices were available, particularly in the print press, but their impact was minimal. As one Ekho Moskvy editor noted, media coverage of Medvedev as the next president became so routine, we seem to forget that March 2 is still ahead of us." BURNS