NASHI SUMMER CAMP 2008: SEX, THUGS, AND THE ROC ON

C O N F I D E N T I A L MOSCOW 002170 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/28/2018 TAGS: PGOV PREL RS SUBJECT: NASHI SUMMER CAMP 2008: SEX, THUGS, AND THE ROC ON A ROLL REF: A. 08MOSCOW339 ¶B. 08MOSCOW589 ¶C. MOSCOW 3808 ¶D. MOSCOW 12717 Classified By: Political Minister Counselor Alice Wells for reason 1.4(d). ¶1. (SBU) Summary. The Kremlin-sponsored Nashi youth group may not enjoy the same prominence under Medvedev, but its fourth annual summer conference at Lake Seliger in Tver Oblast reinforced continued and significant Kremlin and Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) sponsorship. Billed as an "Innovation Forum," the conference ostensibly served as a mechanism to organize and educate future leaders of Russia on economic matters. With Putin (but not Medvedev) posters aflutter, the camp focused more on Russian values, Russia's demographic crisis, and nationalist propaganda. Numerous Kremlin representatives visited the camp, candidly applauding programs that supported government policy, with the U.S. and Estonia coming under particular criticism. Kremlin propagandist Vladislav Surkov proclaimed Nashi's raison d'etre -- preventing a Russian "orange revolution" -- lost, and posited a changed (if undefined) role for Nashi activists. With Seliger 2008 attendance down by over 50% in comparison to the 2007 camp estimate, numerous experts questioned Nashi's ability to transition successfully from a mercenary protest group to a mainstream youth movement. End Summary. Camping with Nashi -------------- ¶2. (SBU) PolOff attended the Kremlin-supported Nashi youth forum, the group's fourth annual conference held from July 12 to 26, 2008, in Tver Oblast at Lake Seliger. Approximately 4,500 youth activists participated in the camp known as "Seliger 2008," situated on pristine lakeside property in the midst of Russia's northern forests. Nashi organizers indoctrinated adherents in service to the motherland through two weeks of lectures, training, discussions, games, and "extracurricular" activities. Four years after its conception, Nashi activists foresaw a change in course away from organizing street protests and towards preparing Russia's future leaders. During the forum, campers, ages 14 to 30, self-selected themselves into several teams according to personal interests. Team identities included those focused on sovereignty and patriotism, arts and crafts, science and technology, tourism, economics, military service, and press relations. Activists from almost every Russian oblast, republic, and krai attended, as well as others from Belarus, Armenia, and Estonia. Nashi Seeks Relevance -------------- ¶3. (C) With Medvedev reportedly lukewarm towards Nashi (reftel),the youth movement's leader Nikita Borovikov told us in a private conversation at Seliger that Nashi's transition to a more professional, refined organization reflected similar changes in Russia. Borovikov noted that Nashi continued to strengthen its activist ranks and maintained its importance in Russian politics, and he predicted a "great future" for the organization, despite not knowing what direction it would take. "We have a significant amount of support from the highest levels. You can see the number of highly positioned leaders that came to Seliger over the past two weeks. Nashi is a powerful movement in Russia," he noted. United Russia Duma deputy Sergei Markov noted to the press that the organization would survive, for leaving a politically educated youth group unsupervised in Russia was "not an option." During our discussion, Borovikov offered to invite American youth to the conference in 2009, noting that it would provide an opportunity for "greater understanding between our nations." With regards to his predecessor, Vasily Yakemenko, Borovikov only stated that Yakemenko's appointment to the Duma's Youth Affair's Committee could improve Nashi's government connections and position. Direction from the Top -------------- ¶4. (SBU) While several highly positioned Kremlin officials descended on Lake Seliger again this year, their collective political prestige paled in comparison to that of the visitors to Seliger 2007. Most noticeably absent in 2008 were Russia's top leaders, Medvedev and Putin, both past visitors to Nashi conferences. According to press reports, Medvedev has found little value in Nashi and the tactics of its activists. Regardless, Nashi activists drew the participation of several leading Kremlin figures, including First Deputy Chief of the Presidential Administration and chief Kremlin propagandist Vladislav Surkov, First Deputy Premier Minister Igor Shuvalov, United Russia Secretary of the Presidium of the General Council Vyacheslav Volodin, Central Election Commission (CEC) head Vladimir Churov, and others. The fact that so many officials visited Lake Seliger was interpreted by political observers as evidence that the Kremlin sees value in keeping Nashi meetings. ¶5. (C) Surkov used his July 21 visit to proclaim the death knell of the "orange revolution", thanking Nashi for its defense of Russia even as "color revolutions" surrounded the country. The statement marked the first time that an official has credited Nashi for its role in protecting Russian sovereignty. By claiming that the threat of revolution had passed, Surkov implicitly signaled that Nashi's raison d'etre had also expired, but suggested new horizons for the youth movement. Surkov focused the remainder of his speech on a favorite theme -- sovereign democracy -- saying that Russia must "build sovereignty on independence of political thought" so that the country can "fight for and compete for its place under the sun." He also echoed Borovikov's statements that Nashi is changing its mood and atmosphere, just as Russia's atmosphere, programs, and tasks are changing. ¶6. (SBU) Nashi -- or its Kremlin organizers -- chose First Deputy Premier Minister Igor Shuvalov as the keynote speaker. Arriving in a black helicopter, he entered the camp donning a tight tee-shirt with the demographically promotional slogan, "Home. Wife. Kids. I love my family." Most thought Shuvalov would talk about economic matters, considering the focus on innovation. He spent most of his time, however, strutting through the camp surrounded by a cadre of guards, nodding in approval of everything he saw: group calisthenics, political lectures, and especially, a group of bikini-clad girls ostensibly studying the Russian Constitution. ¶7. (SBU) United Russia Secretary of the Presidium of the General Council Vyacheslav Volodin's message to the campers was that Nashi produced a strong workforce reserve for Russia, and pointed to Nashi members actively participating in parliamentary affairs as representatives of youth movements. He stressed that these youth leaders are doing everything to make Russia effective and strong. Russia's Future Business Leaders -------------- ¶8. (C) Seliger 2008's focus on economic training and workforce development took several manifestations. Nashi organizers replicated many Western educational conventions, especially those used in high school "Student Achievement" courses, including a mock stock market, play money called "talanty" used for camp purchases, and kitschy souvenir stands. The Alpali Company, led by renowned Russian financial expert Sergei Semyonov, created a mock stock market that followed the current indices for oil futures, gold, the Euro-U.S. Dollar rate, and the Japanese Yen-U.S. Dollar rate. 80 Nashi activists participated in trading shares based on their accumulated stocks of "talanty." The winner, holding the highest-valued portfolio after one hour of trading, won a notebook computer. Semyonov told PolOff that the event proceeded as planned and reiterated his company's success in teaching economic concepts to Russian youth. ¶9. (C) Most Nashi members reveled in the fact that representatives from GazProm and well-known banks came to hold camp lectures, but only a few acknowledged an understanding of the information. Those who did "get it" hoped for future job connections with powerful employers. For the rest, the most important lesson on economy came from the camp's financial backers. Numerous Russian firms, as well as the internationally renowned Adidas shoe company, underwrote the camp. One activist, Lena Kurskova, said that most could never afford the transportation costs to remote Lake Seliger without the financial support. For them, camp was free. Nashi activists were not shy in suggesting that the remainder of the funds came from Kremlin coffers. Promoting Social Values -------------- ¶10. (SBU) Nashi activists took up Putin's exhortations for Russians to embrace a healthier lifestyle. Included in the camp regulations were prohibitions on cursing, smoking, and consuming alcoholic beverages, as well as mandatory attendance at all lectures, team activities, and events. Teams of "enforcers" circulated throughout the camp during activities and penalized those who violated the rules. Three strikes of any kind meant expulsion from camp. If that did not convince the most rebellious activists, camp administrators mandated that expelled campers would have to pay for their return trip. By the end of Seliger 2008, the camp expelled 25 activists for various violations. ¶11. (C) Almost every Nashi activist, when asked about pressing issues in Russia, mentioned the demographic crisis. Most said that having large families was a national duty; a few mentioned it would stop the flow of immigrants looking for jobs. In an informal discussion, two girls in their late teens told PolOff that they looked forward to starting a family soon, and hoped to meet the right person at Seliger 2008 or following conferences. Inspiration lay just down the trail. Organizers set aside a small campground, prominently located next to a marriage chapel, for Nashi couples that had wed. Nashi leaders posted a billboard with congratulatory messages next to their site. One couple in their early 20s proudly carried a 3-month old child, a legacy from Seliger ¶2007. The majority of young women PolOff met pointed to inclusion in the circle of marriage as an important goal -- for personal and national reasons. ¶12. (SBU) The demographic problem presented some controversial issues for the camp. At Seliger 2007, the preponderance of and condoning of sexual activity at the camp became a visible topic that continued to surface at Seliger ¶2008. Last year, leaders apparently distributed condoms to activists, but this year had banned them after press scrutiny. Journalists at a July 18 press tour heard numerous rumors about "special tents" being set aside for lovers, and some campers claimed to rent empty tents to couples for fifty rubles per hour. Camp administrators denied the claims, but they did not allow journalists to visit the tent cities, doing little to dispel the rumors. However, one official made his stance clear: First Deputy Vice Premier Shuvalov bought a Nashi t-shirt from a camp artist that featured two happy rabbits holding hands. The slogan read, "To Reproduce is Useful and Fun." The Influence of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) -------------- -------------- ¶13. (SBU) Russian Orthodox ideology figured prominently at Seliger. From the one ROC priest in attendance at past conferences, more than five priests attended the camp in ¶2008. One priest conducted a lakeside service on July 23 attended by about 75 camp activists, during which he baptized two new believers. The priest preached a fiery sermon, calling for the removal of alcohol, drugs, and smoking from Russian society as "diseases that continue to harm us." Yet most Nashi members, on their lunch break, did not observe the sermon or ceremony. In fact, during the press tour, we witnessed only a few camp visitors to a wooden ROC chapel, built by unknown funders and decorated with icons in the central square of the camp. But its prominent location left little doubt: the ROC's influence on Nashi was on the rise. ¶14. (SBU) A Nashi team called "Russian Steel" designed an Orthodox religious project representing heaven and hell located next to the chapel. Those that ascended a set of ten stairs, each labeled by one of the Ten Commandments, opened a door at the top that concealed a mirror, etched with the face of Jesus Christ. At the bottom of the stairs, activists had dug a pit covered with a door labeled "Hell." Smoke emanated from the chamber, warning transgressors of what would befall them. Nationalism: Nashi's Wheelhouse -------------- ¶15. (SBU) Camp activists erected numerous displays of national pride, one of Nashi's core themes. Russian flags littered the campground. While pictures of Medvedev were nowhere to be found, pictures of Putin hung from tent poles, trees, and banners. One group organized a Vladimir Putin Fan Club, creating a silkscreen poster reminiscent of Andy Warhol. The first group from Chechnya to ever attend a Seliger conference built a tarpaulin wall around their tents and decorated it with photos and drawings of Chechen President Ramzan Kadyrov. Someone had even built a shrine to Boris Yeltsin in the forest, tastefully done with candles, photos, and flowers. ¶16. (C) In addition to numerous banners that slandered the United States, Ukraine, and Georgia as enemies of Russian sovereignty, numerous posters and pictures supported Serbia and opposed the independence of Kosovo. The most well publicized political display at Seliger 2008 concerned a pig -- cared for by a "Russian Steel" camper dressed as Uncle Sam -- named after Estonian President Toomas Indrik Ilves. An obvious stab at Estonia as a U.S. puppet, Russian Steel was only one of many Nashi groups to mock Estonia. Each year, Nashi activists have performed "actions" to show their displeasure with foreign interference in Russian affairs, this time focusing on Estonia's decision to move a World War II era bronze statue of a Russian soldier to the outskirts of Tallinn. An Estonian radio journalist covering the conference told PolOff that his fellow citizens would be offended by these events, noting that he saw his country's decision as their own "act of sovereignty." But he also expressed excitement that Estonians would hear the stupidity of "Russian Steel" activists the following day on his radio broadcast. ¶17. (C) Roman, an ethnic Russian living in Estonia, told PolOff that as one of fifteen Estonian citizens that are also Nashi activists, he walked a fine line at the camp. "I am constantly berated for my nationality, but excused because I am Russian. Most initially disliked me because I hung an Estonian flag on my tent. It took patience for them to see that I support the movement." But, he reluctantly added, "the guys from Russian Steel go too far in their jokes against countries like Estonia, and it hurts Nashi's image." He later noted that Estonian officials had blamed him, as well as some other Estonian citizens that are Nashi members, for starting the riots in Tallinn last year concerning the bronze statue. He claimed Estonian officials threatened of future "problems" should he continue his membership in Nashi. As a result, he hoped to immigrate to Russia in the near future. Comment -------------- ¶18. (C) With the election campaign and supposed threat of revolution behind them, Nashi appears temporarily rudderless. Yet, the camp's high level of organization, funding, and Kremlin support indicate that the movement will remain active, even if not influential. Converting a reactionary youth movement into a force for real change remains a huge challenge for the Kremlin. Whether corporate sponsors will combine forces with the Russian Orthodox Church to shape a new "ideal" Russian citizen, void of vice and bent on innovation, salvation, and procreation, remains to be seen. If Nashi adjusts its mantra successfully, it will have to rely on fewer leaders - Seliger 2008 attracted less than 5,000 people, a sharp reduction from the estimated 10,000 who took part in 2007. The fact that Medvedev's picture was nowhere to be found appears to be a pragmatic Nashi calculation of who controls their political fortunes. RUBIN