Identifier
Created
Classification
Origin
08MOSCOW1052
2008-04-16 13:49:00
CONFIDENTIAL
Embassy Moscow
Cable title:  

RUSSIANS EXPLAIN VIEWS ON UNSCR 1540 COMMITTEE

Tags:  PREL AORC KPAO PTER UNSC UK FR RS 
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VZCZCXYZ0000
OO RUEHWEB

DE RUEHMO #1052/01 1071349
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
O 161349Z APR 08
FM AMEMBASSY MOSCOW
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 7626
INFO RUEHXD/MOSCOW POLITICAL COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RUEHGG/UN SECURITY COUNCIL COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
C O N F I D E N T I A L MOSCOW 001052 

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

DEPARTMENT FOR U.S. 1540 COORDINATOR TOM WUCHTE

E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/16/2018
TAGS: PREL AORC KPAO PTER UNSC UK FR RS
SUBJECT: RUSSIANS EXPLAIN VIEWS ON UNSCR 1540 COMMITTEE
MANDATE RENEWAL

REF: STATE 39114

Classified By: Political Minister-Counselor Alice G. Wells.
Reasons 1.4(b) and (d).

C O N F I D E N T I A L MOSCOW 001052

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

DEPARTMENT FOR U.S. 1540 COORDINATOR TOM WUCHTE

E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/16/2018
TAGS: PREL AORC KPAO PTER UNSC UK FR RS
SUBJECT: RUSSIANS EXPLAIN VIEWS ON UNSCR 1540 COMMITTEE
MANDATE RENEWAL

REF: STATE 39114

Classified By: Political Minister-Counselor Alice G. Wells.
Reasons 1.4(b) and (d).


1. (C) Summary. Together with UK and French colleagues, we
delivered reftel demarche April 16 to Aleksandr Deyneko,
Senior Counselor in the MFA Department of Disarmament and
Security Issues, responsible for UNSCR 1540 issues. Deyneko
stressed that, as a co-sponsor of UNSCR 1540, Russia was very
interested in the prolongation of the 1540 Committee and saw
it as a major practical tool for implementation of the
resolution. He emphasized several times that Russia did not
have any problems with the suggestions in the P3 text, but
had a number of questions and concerns that needed to be
addressed first (see para 5). When pressed, he said Russia
was willing to be "flexible" on the length of the mandate
renewal, but "wanted reciprocity and real dialogue, not
demarche-style diplomacy." End Summary.


2. (C) With UK and French Embassy poloffs, we jointly made
the points in the reftel non-paper and stressed the need for
a more substantive resolution to strengthen the Committee,
with a mandate longer than two years. Deyneko acknowledged
the importance of the work of the Committee, and noted that
Russia had been the first to propose a renewal of its mandate
in November 2007 and had submitted a draft text to the U.S.
which had not generated any objections. Russia had suggested
that we exchange views on the future of the 1540 Committee
before agreeing on a renewal text, but had received no
response. Russia had seen the extension as a tactical issue,
designed to make the transition to a new mandate as smooth as
possible, and was surprised that its "proposal for a purely
technical mandate renewal would cause such a reaction; now
we're facing complaints that we're undermining P5 consensus."


3. (C) Deyneko stressed that Russia and the P3 did not
differ on policy; only on tactics. He added that Russia did

not have a problem with the fact that the Resolution puts a
lot of obligations on UN Member States. He said that his
comments were not intended to reflect that Russia was against
a more comprehensive resolution, but underscored that they
also did not mean that Russia would be able to agree to one
now, as Russia had a lot of questions that needed to be
answered. He noted that Russia did not support making the
1540 Committee subordinate to other bodies (e.g. 1267
Committee).


4. (C) Stressing that the issue should be worked "in
capitals," as well as in New York, Deyneko commented that he
did not know which text to work from, since he had separate
drafts with U.S., UK, and French comments. We pointed out
that we had submitted a consolidated text in mid-March, but
they had not included any of it in the version they sent to
other UNSC members, and reiterated our surprise and
disappointment that Russia had not sought to get a P5-agreed
text before circulating a draft to the rest of the Council.


5. (C) Deyneko mentioned the following main questions and
concerns (NOTE: the para numbers are from the April 1 draft
with US/UK/French mark-up of the Russian text):

-- Russia does not see the value of putting the new proposals
and ideas into the Resolution; it would be better to
roll-over the mandate and let the Committee review the issues;
-- On the Preamble, Russia does not understand why "experts"
should be highlighted. Responsibilities should be given to
the Committee as a body.
-- Russia does not understand Preambular paragraph that says
"Recognizing the need to enhance coordination of efforts on
national, regional, subregional and international levels...."
What does this mean, intended to do? Not against it, but
don't understand it.
-- Reference to FATF (in both Preambular and Op paras):
Important subject, but FATF activities are just one of a
whole range of similar organizations and activities; why
single FATF out to include in the text of the Resolution?
-- Russia believes it's important to lay out priorities -
implementation of 1540 is important, but reporting is also
still important, especially since one-quarter of UN Members
are lagging behind in their reports;
-- Op. 3: Action Plans: Idea okay, but Russia still waiting
for answers to its questions. How will the Committee get
countries which haven't been able to submit their reports in
the last four years, even with assistance, to submit action
plans within a year? How realistic is this?
-- French proposal to combine Op paras. 4 and 6: Okay, but
would like to see a text;
-- Op. 5: Why need reference to Annex 1?

-- Op. 7: Why need request for point of contact in the
Resolution? If 46 or 48 (he said U.S. and Russia don't seem
to agree on the number of non-compliant states) countries
aren't reporting, how do we get them to do so?
-- Op. 8: Mandate length. Said Russia was "flexible," but
wanted to be part of consultations. Also, Russia did not
understand need for a reference to "experts working under the
policy guidance of the 1540 Committee;"
-- Op. 9: What do we mean by "comprehensive review"? This
is a new idea; not discussed before, or reflected in the
report. What type of review? Would it be similar to the
comprehensive reviews in the Non-Proliferation Treaty
context, or something else? What are the modalities and
goals of such a review? How many participants and who will
choose them, etc.?
-- Op. 10 (a): Russia does not understand what is meant by
"implementation strategies." While the idea is good, the
devil is in the details. Before getting UNSC endorsement, we
should make sure we all understand the meaning the same way.
-- Op. 10 (c): Outreach events. What are the "specific
aspects of resolution 1540" referenced in the para? Who
decides? What types of events are we talking about?
-- Op. 10 (e): What is meant by "stakeholder involvement"?
Who are the "stakeholders"?
-- Russia believes that language on enhancing cooperation
between 1540 and UNSCR 1267 is important, but there are many
other elements of export control practices that are equally
important. Why aren't they included?


6. (C) We asked why Russia had not raised these issues
before and urged him to have the mission in New York do so at
the April 16 meeting. We pressed the importance of agreeing
on the concept of having a resolution that strengthened the
Committee and that extended its mandate for five years, and
letting the Committee itself work out many of the issues he
had raised. He agreed on the need not to tie the Committee's
hands by specifying too many details, but still stressed that
Russia needed answers to its questions.


7. (C) Deyneko also commented on the 1540 Committee Report,
saying Russia thought the first version prepared by the
experts had been bad, and Russia's comments did not reflect
all of their concerns. For instance, the Report contained a
lot of imprecise language such as "Many States view...."
Such language gave rise to questions like: How many States?
Who were they? Russia would prefer to work on a shorter,
clearer draft report.


8. (C) Comment. Russia's intransigence on this issue, where
we really do not have differing views on the end result,
reflects a growing tendency by the GOR to make the point that
Russia expects to be consulted prior to P-3 decisions being
taken on matters of concern to it.
BURNS