THE CHANGING FACE OF ISLAM IN MOZAMBIQUE

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 MAPUTO 001257

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/15/2018
TAGS: KISL PHUM PTER SCUL MZ
SUBJECT: THE CHANGING FACE OF ISLAM IN MOZAMBIQUE

Classified By: Classified by Charge Todd Chapman for reasons 1.4 (b) an
d (d)


1. (C) SUMMARY: With a large Muslim minority, estimated to
range between 20 and 40 percent of the total population, or 4
to 8 million adherents, the role of Islam and Muslims in
Mozambique continues to grow in importance. Since the eighth
century, Islam has developed along the Swahili coast in
Mozambique, which has a larger Muslim population in absolute
numbers than Tanzania, and a larger Muslim percentage of the
population than Kenya. Though historically moderate, Islam
in Mozambique is taking small steps towards conservatism,
espoused largely by economically influential South Asian
immigrants and newly-orthodox Mozambican students returning
from formal Islamic, often Wahhabi, education in the Middle
East. While this trend towards conservative religious
practice marks a shift away from hybridized Sufi-inspired
traditional Mozambican Islamic practices, there is no current
concrete evidence that such a turn towards orthodoxy is
accompanied by anti-Western extremist ideology, militancy, or
violence. The South Asian community in Mozambique has been
linked to illicit economic activity however, specifically in
the areas of drugs, money laundering, and human trafficking.
Overall, the appearance of more conservative Muslims reveals
the absence of a monolithic Muslim community in Mozambique
which continues to espouse a variety of religious and
ritualistic diversity, as well as political differences. Our
outreach efforts in recent years have included trips to the
largely Muslim Northern provinces, Iftars during Ramadan, and
regular meetings with Muslim leaders. Over the next five
years, the $507 million Millennium Challenge Compact will
greatly enhance road and water infrastructure in
traditionally Muslim areas in northern and central
Mozambique, where the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS
Relief (PEPFAR) and the Ambassador's Special Self Help Fund
(SSH),and Public Affair's ACCESS English language training
also play important roles. END SUMMARY.

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SHIFTING DEMOGRAPHICS
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2. (SBU) The most recent national census (from 1997)
estimates that the Mozambican population is 20 percent
Muslim, 44 percent Christian, and 33 percent Animist or no
religion (Note: A census was conducted in 2007, but results
have not yet been released. While many Muslims consider Islam
to be the largest organized religion in Mozambique, some
expect they will be undercounted. End note). There are four
main groups of Muslims in Mozambique, the historic indigenous
Sunni Mozambicans, and conservative South Asians of Pakistani
and Indian descent, a small group of Sunni North African and
Middle Eastern immigrants, and a tiny population of some 500
Ismaili Shi'i followers of the Aga Khan. Though unlikely,
Muslim leaders claim that Muslims represent as much as 40
percent of the population, particularly since most economic
migrants to Mozambique tend to be Muslims of Pakistani or
Indian descent. Nonetheless, recent immigrants combined with
an aggressive conversion strategy in the rural areas of the
northern and central provinces, including the construction of
numerous mosques financed by international Muslim groups, has
helped Islam expand and penetrate traditionally animist areas
in the interior. The three northernmost provinces of Niassa,
Cabo Delgado, and Nampula are predominately Muslim, owing to
centuries of contact with Arab, Persian, and Indian traders.
Varying sources put the Muslim population in these provinces
between 60-80 percent, and up to 95 percent in coastal areas.
Since the end of colonialism, important Muslim communities
have been established in the southern part of the country,
especially in Maputo and Matola.


3. (SBU) In general, approximately one-third of Muslims are
strict followers (they observe daily prayers, do not drink
alcohol, and fast during the holy month of Ramadan),while
the remaining two-thirds are nominally Muslims. Sunnis in
the Northern provinces can be loosely grouped into those who
mix Islam with traditional African beliefs, those who follow
the Sufi orders, and those who follow a more strict
interpretation of the Koran. The Sunni in the Southern
provinces are more recently established and generally adhere
to a more strict interpretation of the Koran. While African
Muslims have made important inroads in recent years, most
imams remain of South Asian descent, owing to the

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historically important political and leadership positions
South Asians occupied during Portuguese colonial rule,
allowing them greater access to education.


4. (C) Porous borders and a 1,534 mile coastline (nearly
twice the size of California's 840 mile coastline) have
contributed to an influx of economic immigrants since the end
of the civil war in 1992. The National Director for
Migration confirms that the vast majority of new immigration
stems from countries with large or majority Muslim countries
such as Pakistan and India, with lesser numbers from Somalia,
Sudan, Nigeria, Tanzania, and Senegal. While some of these
immigrants use Mozambique as a transit point on the way to
South Africa and eventually Europe, many remain, buying small
businesses in Mozambique, particularly in the cities of
Nampula and Pemba in the North and Maputo in the South.
These groups bring their own religious traditions, and while
some practice a more conservative interpretation of the
Koran, others are more interested in establishing business
linkages.

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THE GREAT ORTHODOXY DEBATE
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5. (SBU) Islam has undergone numerous iterations since its
establishment in Northern Mozambique prior to the arrival of
the Portuguese in 1498. Today, several groups are involved
in a largely peaceful internal debate concerning Islamic
authority and orthodoxy in Mozambique. Far removed from the
base of Islam in the Middle East, Mozambican Muslims in the
north developed a more syncretistic form of Islam, which
included traditional African rituals, dances, and
spiritualism. Another major influence in this region was the
Sufi orders, which arrived in the Northern provinces in the
early 1900s. These versions of Islam clashed more over local
clan power than doctrine and remained dominant throughout the
colonial period. The seemingly non-political nature of the
Muslim center in the north contributed to a period of
stagnation, particularly as the Portuguese forcibly converted
many to Christianity.


6. (SBU) During the late colonial period and lasting into the
years immediately following independence, a new group of
young Mozambican Muslims, which felt marginalized by the
Portuguese and later the secular policies of the
post-independence FRELIMO party, emerged to challenge the
northern Islamic establishment. This group of Islamists
(Wahhabis) was lead by men who had studied Islam in such
places as Saudi Arabia, India, Iran, and Sudan, and advocated
fundamentalist theories calling for a return to the roots of
Islam. In general, the Islamists supported a literal
interpretation of the Koran and a more conservative
lifestyle, but specifically they sought to supplant the
northern Muslims as the Islamic authority in Mozambique.
Since the early 1980s, this "division" has become more
formalized with the official creation of an Islamic Council,
made up largely of Islamists, and African Muslims, and an
Islamic Congress, comprised mostly of Sufis and African
traditionalist Muslims from the north.


7. (C) Divisions between the two groups largely center on
doctrine and ritual practices. For example, while members of
the Congress want recognition of their identity and
long-standing Muslim tradition, Islamists in the Council
target for "correction" certain rituals associated with the
Congress, such as Sufi-inspired saint veneration, funeral
rites, celebration of the Prophet's birthday, and the proper
time to celebrate the end of Ramadan. The Congress still has
a large numerical advantage, but this appears to be slowly
changing. Unlike the Council, the Congress receives very
little international funding to support construction of
mosques and madrassas. In addition, Congress members
receiving scholarships to study Islam abroad often return as
more radicalized Islamists and join the Council instead of
the Congress. Also, recent Muslim immigrants tend to be more
conservative adherents and therefore join the Council. It is
also important to note that within the Council itself there
have been divisions, especially involving race: while most of
the leadership are South Asian Mozambicans, the majority of
members are African. A growing number of African members of
the Council are receiving a rigorous religious education, but
until recently many were relegated to inferior positions in

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the leadership structures, mosques, and madrassas.

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POLITICAL PATTERNS
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8. (C) Muslims have become a growing political force in
recent elections, particularly as their allegiances have
proven malleable. During the early post-independence years,
Muslims largely were cast-off as colonial sympathizers by the
mostly Christian and animist (but also Marxist) FRELIMO. The
early, strongly secularist tilt of FRELIMO in these years
also allowed the opposition RENAMO to attract many Muslims to
their cause in the name of religious freedom. For this
reason, northern Muslims in large numbers voted for RENAMO in
the country's first multi-party elections in 1994. Perhaps
realizing the potential of this growing voting bloc, FRELIMO
made several overtures to Muslims, beginning with helping to
establish the Muslim Council and later by advocating for a
national holiday to celebrate the Eid (Note: the latter
ultimately failed, but demonstrated FRELIMO's "commitment."
End Note). FRELIMO has continued to establish strong
linkages with influential Muslim businessmen, some of whom
have served in the National Assembly as FRELIMO deputies.
This outreach strategy appears to have paid dividends:
Muslims, particularly in the coastal areas of Nampula
province, voted in lower numbers for RENAMO in both the 1999
and 2004 national elections, and are no longer a reliable
voting bloc for RENAMO. In the November 19 municipal
elections, FRELIMO again dominated historically Muslim and
historically RENAMO areas.

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USG OUTREACH EFFORTS
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9. (C) Muslim outreach is an integral part of our mission
plan, and we apply several strategies to reach out to this
important group, including concentrated efforts to recruit
Muslims for exchange programs. Since 2002, the Chief of
Mission has hosted an Iftar for important Muslim leaders,
finding that while Muslim leaders were initially skeptical,
the Iftar is viewed favorably by Muslims and is being
replicated by other Western nations, such as Great Britain.
Public Affairs continues to host Iftars, as well as films and
debates on Muslim issues. Public Affairs has placed an
English Language Fellow at Musa Bin Bique University, a
private Muslim university which has an American Corner. We
have also sought an ongoing dialogue with a broad range of
Muslim leaders. While no one Muslim speaks for the diverse
community as a whole, Sheik Aminuddin Mohamad, educated at
al-Azhar, leader of the Muslim Council, Director of the Hamza
Institute (a madrassa, mosque, and cultural center) and the
only widely-published Muslim scholar in Portuguese, is the
closest thing to a "Muslim authority" in Mozambique, and has
become a regular Embassy contact. Sheik Aminuddin, with a
weekly column in a national newspaper, is an older
generation, moderate Islamist who, according to his writings,
believes in a more literal interpretation of the Koran but
tends to be politically conciliatory. He publicly distanced
himself from Muslim extremism in the wake of 9/11, but has
expressed concern that Muslims are still paying the price for
the actions of a few.


10. (C) Aside from Iftars and regular dialogue with Muslim
leaders such as Aminuddin, we sponsored the very
well-received visit of an American Muslim Imam in 2004. The
Embassy PolSpecialist, also a Muslim, recalls that the visit
was so successful that the trip was extended by several days.
Some leaders have expressed to the PolSpecialist their hope
that a similar visit is forthcoming. We have also made
Muslim outreach the focus of several trips to the north in
recent years, meeting with religious, business, and community
leaders. These trips are both an effort to remind the Muslim
community that we recognize their importance as a social and
religious group, and an effort to publicize in the Muslim
community our work on health (HIV/AIDS, malaria) and
education programs (funding computers) through PEPFAR and
Special Self-Help projects. We will continue to publicize
the importance of the Millennium Challenge Compact, which
focuses the $507 million on traditionally Muslim areas of the
country. Finally, the small yet influential Public Affairs
ACCESS English language program targets predominantly Muslim

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areas with funding for 100 students to study English and gain
fluency over two years. Often, Muslim groups are pleasantly
surprised at the ongoing programming directly benefiting
Muslims, suggesting that continued public outreach would be
beneficial.

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COMMENT: ENGAGEMENT THE KEY
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11. (C) Mozambique is still a bastion of Muslim moderation
and religious tolerance. Occurrences of inter-religious
tension are rare, but circumstances could be altered by a
variety of factors. The majority of Muslims are poor, young,
Africans in the north, while the economic power structures in
Mozambique tend to be South Asian and located in the South.
International agencies, such as the Wahhabi African Muslim
Agency continue to fund the Islamic education of increasing
numbers of young Mozambicans, who return with more orthodox
views of Islam. Some of these also return with new ideas on
how Islam is being affected by geopolitical issues,
particularly the Israel-Palestinian conflict and the global
war on terror. Also the influx of more conservative South
Asian Muslims could eventually be an altering factor. Many
Pakistanis enter illegally for stays of several months in
order to teach in madrassas or visit northern communities as
missionaries. For now, however, there is little evidence of
violent extremism, radicalization, or international
politicization within the diverse Muslim community. This is
a tribute to the current moderate leadership and the long
tradition of peaceful religious coexistence.


12. (C) For now, there is little evidence of widespread
violent extremism, radicalization, or international
politicization within the diverse Muslim community. There do
appear to be small pockets of extremist sympathizers within
the conservative elements of the Muslim community, especially
among the South Asian community. The affluent Arab and South
Asian minorities also have isolated elements that lean toward
sympathy for the international Jihad against the West within
the Sunni Sect and Hizballah within the Shi'i Arab community.
While small, these groups do have access to international
NGO's of concern, though we lack sufficient information to
know for sure what connections these groups may have that
could indicate more direct ties to FTO's


13. (C) In the meantime, we are playing a leading role to
ensure that Mozambique remains an example of Islamic
moderation. Continued dialogue, including trips to the
northern provinces and more frequent exchanges with American
Muslims, can help us make further inroads with this growing
community. This public outreach will ensure that the Muslim
community is aware of the variety of programs directly
benefiting them. A more difficult task will be ensuring that
Muslims are not left behind, as southern Mozambique continues
to outpace the rest of the country economically. The
northern provinces lag behind in most development indicators,
and if the GRM does not adequately address their needs, there
may be a move towards radicalization based on a sense of
disenfranchisement. For the time being, programs like
Millennium Challenge Compact, PEPFAR, PMI, American Corner,
and ACCESS are providing much needed support in the north and
center, but further U.S. democracy/governance assistance
should complement these health and infrastructure programs to
place a higher priority on northern, less developed,
Muslim-majority provinces as a way of ensuring that this
important historical segment of the population remains
moderate and friendly to the United States.
Chapman