NICARAGUA'S MINING TRIANGLE - READY FOR MUNICIPAL

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 05 MANAGUA 000212 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT PLS PASS TO USAID LAC DEPT FOR WHA/CEN GREENE AND NYMAN DEPT FOR DRL G. MAGGIO DEPT FOR USOAS NSC FOR V ALVARADO SOUTHCOM FOR FPA E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/19/2018 TAGS: PGOV PHUM ECON KDEM NU SUBJECT: NICARAGUA'S MINING TRIANGLE - READY FOR MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS REF: A. MANAGUA 153 ¶B. MANAGUA 130 AND PREVIOUS ¶C. MANAGUA 105 ¶D. 2007 MANAGUA 1944 ¶E. 2007 MANAGUA 1783 Classified By: Charge Richard Sanders for reasons 1.4(b,d) ¶1. (C) SUMMARY: In Nicaragua's North Atlantic Autonomous Region (RAAN) cities of Bonanza, Rosita, and Siuna (the "mining triangle"),Liberal political parties are discussing unity for the 2008 municipal elections, but obstacles remain as entrenched leaders may torpedo unity to remain in power. There is a sharp divide regarding the Supreme Electoral Council's (CSE) proposal to suspend November's municipal elections. Mayors in all three municipalities from multiple parties support the suspension, while NGOs, religious leaders, and opposition political parties insist infrastructure is sufficient to hold elections. If elections move forward, Liberals are confident of victory in the three municipalities. President Ortega's Citizens' Power Councils (CPCs) are active throughout the region, fueling resentment in these predominantly Liberal municipalities and tension with indigenous community councils. The small indigenous Mayagna and Miskito populations resent the large numbers of Pacific "mestizos" who continue to migrate into region, causing land disputes and social problems. END SUMMARY. Mining Triangle - Nicaragua's "Wild West" - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶2. (SBU) On a recent five-day trip to the area known as the "mining triangle," we met with political party representatives, mayors, religious leaders, Ministry of Family representatives, NGOs, and civil society groups in the cities of Bonanza, Rosita, and Siuna to gauge how well the region is recovering from the affects of Hurricane Felix, to solicit opinions about the region's preparedness to hold municipal elections in November, and discuss key issues and challenges facing the region. ¶3. (U) Located in the center of the RAAN, these cities are poor and isolated. Siuna, the closest to Managua, is a bone-jarring six-hour drive and Bonanza is an additional three hours. Dubbed the "mining triangle" for its past glory as a minor gold mining region, little remains of this history save rusting equipment and dilapidated buildings. Today, Siuna is the only city where commercial mining activity continues. Unemployment levels are estimated to top 75 percent in the region and the majority of the population lives from subsistence farming and cattle raising. The municipalities face shortages of potable water, have poor public sanitation infrastructure, insufficient school and health facilities, and bad roads. Liberal Unity - Fact or Fiction - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶4. (C) The two major Liberal parties - the Nicaraguan Liberal Alliance (ALN) and the Liberal Constitutional Party (PLC) - in all three municipalities are at various stages of unifying their electoral tickets for November's municipal elections. (NOTE: These meetings were all held before the CSE stripped reformist Eduardo Montealegre of control of the ALN. While the impact of this action at the local level throughout Nicaragua remains to be seen, tenuous local alliances -- such as those struck in the mining triangle -- may unravel without the weight of the central parties pushing for unity. END NOTE) Liberal unity appears the most advanced in Bonanza, the smallest of the three municipalities, where the sitting mayor is from the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). The ALN and PLC have tentatively agreed on a PLC candidate for mayor, Pedro Torrez, and a yet-to-be-determined ALN candidate for vice mayor. (COMMENT: Torrez, a current member of the RAAN's Regional Council, came across as dull and befuddled. He was unable to answer questions regarding his campaign strategy or messaging and left the substantive talking to an advisor. In reference to Torrez, the local representative from the MANAGUA 00000212 002 OF 005 Nicaraguan NGO Institute for Development and Democracy (IPADE) remarked "I can't believe there aren't better candidates." It appears Torrez' main asset is his loyalty to the party. The choice of lackluster, but loyal PLC candidates would seem to confirm the intent by PLC defacto leader Arnoldo Aleman to hand-pick PLC candidates rather than bend to a more democratic primary (septel). END COMMENT) ¶5. (C) In Rosita, the PLC and ALN signed an agreement to work together in late December. Neither the PLC nor the ALN had finalized their respective tickets and they had not discussed power-sharing specifics. They have agreed to work together in principal, but it was apparent from our discussions that lingering suspicion and mistrust remain. The ALN representatives commented that "those in power (the PLC) want to keep it and they will divide the Liberal forces" and added that "all the PLC candidates are or have been in power and that will make the process difficult." For their part, the PLC representatives viewed the ALN as a "traitor" to the true Liberal torch-bearing PLC and accused the ALN of having weakened the PLC in 2006, facilitating Ortega's election. ¶6. (C) In Siuna, the largest of the three municipalities, the political landscape is more complex. The PLC is the dominant party and the FSLN and ALN are minor players. The Nicaraguan Resistance Party (PRN) -- comprised of ex-Contras -- is quite influential while the Sandinista Renovation Movement (MRS) and PAMUK -- a regional indigenous party -- are on the cusp of forming an alliance. Where the PLC and ALN have not yet held any discussions, the ALN and PRN have been working together since last November and have developed a sound campaign strategy and solid realistic messages. Via open primaries held in late January, the ALN/PRN alliance selected its mayoral, vice mayoral, and eight municipal council candidates. The ALN/PRN alliance has laid excellent groundwork for the elections, but expressed concern about the PLC's willingness to compromise and work together given the party's dominance in the municipality. ¶7. (C) The ALN's concerns may be well-founded. Neither the incumbent PLC mayor, nor the mayoral and vice mayoral candidates in Siuna (both nominated by the local PLC party) appeared genuinely interested in working with the ALN. As in Rosita, the PLC views the ALN as a pesky upstart that undermines Liberal unity. The ALN and PLC were scheduled to hold a first round of discussions two days after our meetings. The outlook was not bright, however, as the two parties' separate power-sharing proposals appeared virtually incompatible. The PLC proposal would assign the ALN the number 5 and 7 seats (of 8) on the municipal council, while the ALN proposal allots the party the vice mayorship along with seats 1, 3, 5, and 7 on the council. If the PLC refuses to negotiate a middle ground, ALN/PRN alliance representatives assured us they will take their case to the national level with both parties to broker an acceptable compromise (a path to resolution no longer possible following the CSE's February 20 decision stripping Montealegre of control of the ALN). Support for Municipal Elections in November - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶8. (C) According to NGO and religious leaders -- all of whom have extensive presence in rural areas -- as well as political opponents, the damage caused by Hurricane Felix to essential voting infrastructure (clinics and schools) in the mining triangle municipalities was minimal and does not justify suspending November's municipal elections, a proposal currently under consideration by the CSE (ref C). This broad-based opinion sharply contrasts the statement signed by the RAAN's eight municipal mayors on January 10 in Siuna (ref C). Asked in turn about this statement in light of the contrast of opinions, the FSLN mayor of Bonanza and PLC mayor of Rosita staunchly defended their decisions to sign the statement and were adamant about the extent of the damage. (NOTE: In Rosita, municipal statistics revealed that the hurricane destroyed 25 schools and damaged 12 more. END NOTE) Siuna's PLC mayor -- the instigator and host of the January MANAGUA 00000212 003 OF 005 10 session -- suggested that the signed statement had been improperly interpreted by the media and recast it as a statement "showing solidarity about the extent of the damage," not a demand to suspend the elections. Lost "Cedulas" Excuse is a Red Herring - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶9. (C) In addition to downplaying infrastructure damage, our NGO, religious, and political party contacts stressed that the loss of cedulas -- national ID documents required for voting -- was minimal in these municipalities. They pointed out that families affected by the hurricane were, in fact, required to present their cedulas as proof of residence to receive relief assistance. Instead, sources remarked that the majority of people who don't have cedulas in the affected areas never did have them. Most believed this justification is a red herring and that local leaders, having had a taste of power, are simply loath to surrender it. Liberal Migrants Remain Unregistered - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶10. (C) Liberal leaders in Bonanza, Rosita, and Siuna estimate that thousands of recent immigrants -- principally from the Liberal strongholds of Matagalpa and Jinotega -- remain absent from local voter registries. Whereas changing domicile is unlikely to affect the electoral outcome in Rosita and Siuna, which remain staunchly Liberal, PLC and ALN leaders hoped to win in Bonanza for the first time in four election cycles by taking advantage of this demographic shift. Liberal leaders acknowledged, however, that it routinely takes years for voter registries to be updated, a problem they believe will only get worse with the CSE firmly under the control of President Ortega's FSLN (septel). Liberals fear that the CSE will take whatever measures possible to prevent Liberals from being able to vote in November's elections which many see as a referendum on the Ortega administration (ref A). FSLN - How to Influence People and Buy Votes - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶11. (C) NGO, religious, and political party representatives universally criticized the Ortega government for hijacking Hurricane Felix relief supplies and using the Hambre Cero (Zero Hunger) rural development program to strongarm and/or bribe residents into supporting the Citizens' Power Councils (CPCs) -- President Ortega's mechanism for bringing direct democracy to Nicaragua (ref B) -- and the FSLN. Sources reported that communities were required to establish CPCs in the aftermath of Hurricane Felix to receive relief supplies. Those who refused, sources alleged, did not receive assistance. Further, contacts reported that the Ortega government has greatly scaled up the distribution of Zero Hunger assistance packets (ref C, D, E) in the mining triangle, especially among Mayagna and Miskito indigenous communities, to bolster flagging support for the FSLN and FSLN-allied indigenous YATAMA party. According to a YATAMA representative in Rosita, seven families in each of 85 communities (nearly 600 families) had received assistance packets. He confirmed that the CPCs selected all of the families and that every family supported either the FSLN or YATAMA. CPCs Presence Grows - - - - - - - - - - ¶12. (C) CPCs have now been established in nearly every community in the mining triangle and are beginning to exert influence on a variety of fronts. The notable exception is the city of Siuna where the outspoken Liberal mayor, backed by a strong Liberal majority, have forced the CPCs to maintain a low profile. Despite this, the Ministry of Family (MiFamilia) in Siuna works closely with youth coordinators within community-level CPC cabinets to carry out training, distribute information, and to act as the Ministry's "eyes and ears" to detect incidents of inter-familial violence. The MiFamilia official praised the effectiveness of the CPCs, MANAGUA 00000212 004 OF 005 pointing to a marked increase in the reporting of violence. Her counterpart in Bonanza also works closely with CPC youth coordinators and uses monthly CPC meetings as a forum to promote specific programs. The FSLN mayor of Bonanza referred to the CPCs as his "right arm" and mentioned that the CPCs are currently carrying out a comprehensive study of the urban center's problems. ¶13. (C) While government agencies appear to leverage the CPC network to extend their reach into rural areas with positive results, other uses of it are not as positive. As mentioned earlier, it was widely reported that the CPCs have used hurricane relief supplies and the Zero Hunger program to reward FSLN party loyalists and exclude others. IPADE's Bonanza representative reported that while some CPC coordinators are excellent, most are "polarizing the communities and forcing traditional community councils to become more political." His counterpart in Siuna remarked that FSLN staff in every government institution have been appointed as CPC representatives. The PRN president in Siuna complained that 200 PRN affiliates who applied to the National Agricultural Technology Institute (INTA) for seeds were told they needed reference letters from local CPC coordinators to qualify. All were subsequently denied. The mayor of Siuna bitterly recounted that a number of PLC-affiliated teachers were transferred to remote communities without warning and replaced by CPC-recommended teachers. Racial Groups Sharply Divided - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶14. (C) Tension between the indigenous populations (Mayagna and Miskito) and immigrant mixed ("mestizo") populations simmers just below the surface. The indigenous populations -- estimated at 20,000 people -- live in a few communities and there is limited contact between the two groups. Property rights are the primary point of conflict. Under the Law of Autonomy (Law 28),the indigenous communities use a system of community property rights. While poor demarcation creates friction between the indigenous communities, all resent what they see as the illegal land-grab practices of the immigrant mestizos. With mestizos now accounting for the majority of the mining triangle's population, the community-managed land system is under threat. This conflict leaves both sides open to political manipulation as parties maneuver to curry favor with the groups. Domestic Violence is Commonplace - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ¶15. (C) Domestic violence and insufficient resources to address this growing problem were challenges facing the MiFamilia and the Women's Network NGO in each municipality. Driven by poor education and chronic unemployment levels of 70-85 percent -- and exacerbated by the economic effects of Hurricane Felix -- the domestic situation of women in the mining triangle is worrisome. In Rosita, over 250 cases of inter-familial violence were reported to the Women's Network in 2007. Thus far in 2008, the Network has received an average of two cases per week. Despite these high abuse levels, none of the three MiFamilia offices have facilities to protect battered and/or abused girls and women. Often, they must place victims with local families, rely on the scarce resources of their Network colleagues, or simply return the women to their homes. Neither MiFamilia representatives nor Network staff had information about the scope of Trafficking in Persons (TIP),but they did not believe it was a significant problem in the region. Comment - - - - ¶16. (C) Although the region is remote and poor, we left the mining triangle after five days with the impression that the region is changing and that the people are doing their best to recover from the economic damage caused by Hurricane Felix last September. Buses and trucks of all shapes and sizes carrying cattle and an array of supplies were plying the bad MANAGUA 00000212 005 OF 005 roads connecting these three cities whose streets teemed with pedestrians and commercial activity. Despite the mayors' "gloom and doom" rhetoric about the general state of things, we received a loud and clear message that the people want to keep moving forward with the region's development and they see their right to vote in democratic elections as essential part of the development process. Within the framework of our 2008 Democratic Initiatives program, we will work to strengthen relations with partners in the region to facilitate free and fair elections. SANDERS