Guangzhou's "Economist:" Nanfengchuang Sees Itself

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 GUANGZHOU 000679 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/18/2033 TAGS: PHUM PGOV CH SUBJECT: Guangzhou's "Economist:" Nanfengchuang Sees Itself as a Watch Dog ¶1. (U) Classified by Economic and Political Section Chief Stephan Lang for reason 1.4 (d). ¶2. (C) SUMMARY: The editor of Guangzhou's reform-minded biweekly Nanfengchuang (Southern Window) -- who views his magazine's role as that of a watchdog on social and economic issues -- hopes to turn the publication into China's homegrown version of The Economist. The editor implied that his ability to keep the censors at bay is enhanced by his dual hat as chief editor and Nanfengchuang's deputy Party secretary, and that the professional drive to create a high-quality product outweighs political pressures. Corruption and the commercialization of news remain two widespread ills of Chinese media. END SUMMARY. ¶3. (C) Nanfengchuang Editor-in-Chief Zhu Xuedong (protect) takes pride in his magazine's reputation as one of China's most forward-leaning national publications. While initially a relatively pro-business publication, since 1998 the magazine has seen itself more as a watchdog, focusing increasingly on business ethics, society, product quality and safety, and political economy. The week of our meeting, Zhu had drafted a hard-hitting editorial citing the recent milk crisis as an example of why China needs a strong civil society in order to check such abuses of power. "China's Economist" -------------- ¶4. (C) Before joining Nanfengchuang, Zhu sent a letter to the magazine arguing that it should aim to become "China's Economist," not "China's TIME." He said that although it gets an occasional scoop -- Zhu claimed that Nanfengchuang published breaking news on the recent milk scandal story -- as a biweekly magazine, it cannot stay current enough to compete with daily or weekly news publications. Instead of reporting the news, Nanfengchuang's strength lies in its focus on the context, background and explanation of events and issues, according to Zhu. Zhu compared his magazine to the news weeklies Caijing, Nanfang Zhoumo, Nanfang Renwu and 21st Century Economic Herald, all of which he viewed as competitors. He also expressed admiration for Zhongguo Xinwen Zhoukan -- run by the news service Zhongguo Xinwen She -- and mentioned the Beijing magazine Sanlian Shenghuo, which focuses more on lifestyle issues but which he did not think was as good as the others. "If I Say it can be Published, it is Published" -------------- -- ¶5. (C) As is the case with other forward-leaning publications in China, political control of Nanfengchuang is indirect and relies heavily on self-censorship. Zhu claimed that censorship was relatively light and that there was little direct political pressure on him as chief editor. He denied worrying about being criticized, saying, "If I say it can be published, it is published." At the same time, Zhu acknowledged that he was Deputy Secretary of the paper's Communist Party committee, implying that this was the source of his authority to make editorial decisions. He claimed that even the magazine's owner, Guangzhou Ribao Media Group -- under the Guangzhou CPC Committee -- exerts little or no direct influence over the magazine's content. When pressed, Zhu did admit to avoiding some "sensitive" issues, such as "ethnicity" and "the military." ¶6. (C) When asked about the cover of the magazine's August 11 issue, which featured the bold headline "rule by law begins with limits on power," Zhu claimed he did not seek prior approval for the piece and that he did not receive criticism for it. He said that despite an article by a Western JOURNALIST touting the piece as an example of Nanfengchuang's penchant for publishing "politically sensitive" material, it fell within the current boundaries of approved topics. He also claimed that he had received no guidance from the Guangzhou Propaganda Bureau on how the magazine should report on the recent U.S. presidential election. Rather than trying to shape opinions according to Party propaganda guidelines, Zhu said he chose election- themed articles that would interest and inform a Chinese audience. Main Pressure not Political -------------- ¶7. (C) Elaborating on the "four pressures" he faces as a GUANGZHOU 00000679 002 OF 002 chief editor, Zhu implied that political control over content was the least of his worries. He said that the professional drive to create a high-quality product outweighed social, political-legal and market factors. His goal, he said, was to achieve a balance, but mainly to ensure that the other three "pressures" do not influence the quality of his product. Zhu said that he worries about lawsuits arising from his magazine's reporting, even going so far as to require his reporters to tape record all interviews. 8 (C) Accepting money from subjects, including businesses and politicians, to alter reporting remains a major problem in today's Chinese media, according to Zhu. He implied that more publications take money to alter reporting than do not, though he was adamant that Nanfengchuang and other "good" publications -- "like Caijing" -- do not engage in this practice. ¶9. (C) Zhu, who wrote an article on media responsibility in April, 2007, also decried the commercialization (shangyehua) and "entertainmentizing" (yulehua) of news. He said that Nanfengchuang's efforts to be a "serious magazine" stood in contrast with other publications that "ignore or make light of very serious issues." Zhu proudly said that his magazine's 2007 coverage of the National Party Congress and the National People's Political Consultative Conference had been referred to as "yansu meiti," serious media. The Mark of a Nanfengchuang Journalist: Idealism and Skill -------------- -------------- ¶10. (C) The magazine attracts "people who want to improve China" to its writing staff, according to Zhu, who says he hires "idealists" who "respect a dream, not a salary" and have proven track records in news writing and analysis. Nanfengchuang has a total of 12 reporters, he said, with four in Beijing. Two reporters are currently participating in internships with universities or other organizations, as part of Zhu's effort to broaden the experience and deepen the expertise of his staff. Public Interest Agenda -------------- ¶11. (C) Zhu also took pride in his magazine's "contribution to the public interest" (gongyi de gongxian) through a highly competitive public service program for university journalism students. Approximately eight journalism students (from a pool of 6,000 applicants) are selected to investigative projects in villages or neighborhoods (diaoyan zhongguo) and then report back to their classmates on what they learned. With the help of Nanfengchuang journalists, the students draft articles on their results and the magazine publishes them. Nanfengchuang -------------- ¶12. (C) Established in 1985, the magazine's original name, Haiwai Guanxi (Overseas Relations),was considered quite radical so soon after the Cultural Revolution due to an implied close relationship with the West. Nonetheless, Zhu said, the magazine received strong support from the outset from reform-minded and influential provincial authorities, including former Guangdong Governor Ye Xuanping (Marshall Ye Jianying's son),Guangdong Party Secretary and Politburo member Xie Fei, and other Guangdong luminaries. Zhu, an experienced JOURNALIST and editor from Beijing, sees himself as the successor in a line of reform-minded editors-in-chief. He described how he took the reins in 2005, following in the footsteps of his predecessors, Qin Shuo and Chen Juhong, who went on to establish innovative media organs in Shanghai and Shenzhen, respectively. ¶13. (C) Approximately fifty percent of Nanfengchuang's revenue derives from advertising, with the other half coming from magazine sales, which are split evenly between subscribers and newsstands. Zhu lamented that the magazine's advertising revenue was "not as good as it could be," though a recent price hike had not affected sales; well-off readers did not complain or cancel subscriptions. ¶14. (U) This cable was a joint effort between Consulate General Guangzhou and Embassy Beijing. JACOBSEN