A TOUR D'HORIZON WITH PRESIDENT VORONIN

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 CHISINAU 000765



SIPDIS



STATE FOR EUR/UMB



E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/17/2018

TAGS: PGOV, PREL, PBTS, ECON, PINR, KWMN, MD

SUBJ: A TOUR D'HORIZON WITH PRESIDENT VORONIN



Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Rudolf V. Perina for reasons 1.4 (b)

and (d)



Ref: Chisinau 731



1. (C) Summary: In a wide-ranging 4-hour luncheon meeting July 16,

President Voronin assured Charge Perina that there was no decision to

expel IRI and NDI from the country, as had been floated by the

Foreign Ministry. Voronin said he plans a meeting this week for

political and regional leaders to stress the importance of fighting

trafficking. The President wants 5-plus-2 to move faster and tackle

political issues (i.e. status) instead of just confidence building

measures. He has no intention of signing any bilateral Kozak-II type

understanding with the Russians as he believes any Transnistrian

settlement must have broad international support. The president said

he was pleased with the atmospheric improvements in the Romanian

relationship following FM Comanescu's recent visit, but noted

outstanding problems with border delimitation with Ukraine. The

President understands he will step down after the 2009 elections, and

already has a name in mind for PCRM to nominate as his successor,

someone who he said is known to us and well respected.

End summary.



2. (C) On July 16, President Voronin hosted CDA Perina for a very

informal 4-hour meeting at his Condrita summer dacha. The

casually-dressed president gave a tour of the grounds, then got down

to business in a wide-ranging discussion, followed by lunch featuring

fruits, cheese, fish, and other produce from the dacha's land.



IRI/NDI Not Under Threat - PCRM to Cooperate

--------------



3. (C) As the MFA had floated (reftel),Voronin was willing to back

down on IRI and NDI and denied having actually finalized any decision

to expel or take any action against them. He led with a long

digression about Russian FSB interference in the 2005 elections,

perhaps having in mind the unstated argument that the Russians might

ask to have equivalent organizations of their own. However, he

mostly seemed to want assurance that IRI and NDI had not given $1.5

million to opposition leader Urechean, as a recent press article had

alleged. Voronin said he had never met with IRI and NDI, and only

knew what he read in the newspapers.



4. (C) CDA Perina assured Voronin that IRI and NDI were not

conspiring to influence the outcome of the elections but rather only

interested in promoting a fair electoral process and training all

political parties to this effect. The President said to Perina "You

decide it yourself; if you think they are doing good work, then it's

o.k." CDA said that NDI and IRI would like to work more with the

Communist PCRM but the party appeared reluctant to participate in

most training programs. Voronin said he would tell PCRM Party

Secretary Victor Mindru to meet with us and to cooperate more with

IRI and NDI. He commented that the press conference by a disgruntled

IRI employee, Marian Bunescu, was not a government provocation. He

did say that the organizations need to pay their taxes as required by

law.



Moldova Could Lose MCC if on TIP Tier III

--------------



5. (C) Charge Perina reminded the President that the MCC investment

could be as much as 300-500 million and explained that Moldova could

stand to lose the program unless it takes rapid and convincing action

against trafficking in persons to get off of Tier III. Voronin, who

had already chaired a meeting of the National Security Council in

which he condemned corruption in the CCTIP center and announced that

half the CCTIP staff would be fired, said he is working actively on

improving the government's record on TIP. He said that this week he

would hold a meeting with all leaders of political organizations and

local district leaders to talk to them about combating trafficking.



Voronin wants 5-plus-2 to Tackle Political Issues

-------------- --------------



6. (C) Voronin said it was necessary to speed up the 5-plus-2 process

and to tackle political issues (i.e. status),rather than just focus

on confidence building measures. He said that Medvedev wanted him to

come to Moscow to meet trilaterally with Smirnov, but Voronin was

insisting on a bilateral meeting with Medvedev first. Voronin

speculated that perhaps Medvedev would want to increase his own

profile by resolving the Transnistria problem.



7. (C) The President noted that neutrality was a key point for

Moscow, but he understood that it was impossible for one country to

"guarantee" the neutrality of another. The Russians were starting to

understand this as well and backing away from using the "guarantee"

word. Voronin stressed that he would not sign any kind of Kozak-II

memorandum directly with the Russians because any TN settlement had

to have the broad international support that only the 5-plus-2

process could provide.





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Relations with Neighbors - Romania and Ukraine

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8. (C) Voronin said he was pleased with the visit of Romanian Foreign

Minister Comanescu which he said was the first "normal" visit in the

bilateral relationship. He invited Romanian President Basescu to

come to Moldova and wanted genuinely to improve the relationship.

With Romania in the EU, this was also a question of improving EU

relations. Voronin narrated the story of Romania's request for

consulates in Cahul (and then Balti) and their surprise when he asked

for reciprocal consulate opening in Iasi.



9. (C) Voronin said he had made progress with Ukraine on border

demarcation, but that there were still two unresolved points -- the

Novo-Dniestrovsk hydro-electric station (GES) and Giurgiulesti port.

In St. Petersburg, the two sides had agreed on all points and even

initialed an agreement but then on the next day the Ukrainians tried

to change the terms. They tried to draw a line that would have

included the Moldovan side of the river at the power plant as

Ukrainian territory, which was unacceptable to Moldova.



10. (C) Voronin said that EUBAM has made a huge contribution along

the Ukrainian border in interfering with the Mafioso flows of

weapons/goods/drugs etc. through Transnistria. He stressed his wish

to strengthen EUBAM but cautioned that it was necessary to change the

senior staff each year. Too much money was involved, and personnel

could be seduced into corruption if allowed to stay too long.

Voronin said he favored personnel from rich Scandinavian countries

because they were less likely to be corrupted.



Moldova's Pre-Electoral Internal Politics

--------------



11. (C) Voronin said it was necessary to make government changes in

the pre-electoral period so that the new government would work

effectively until the end of its mandate. There were "cadre

problems" and he thought it necessary to put in new people in order

not to lose pre-electoral support. He was very pleased with how Mrs.

Greceanii is working as Prime Minister. Voronin also praised Foreign

Minister Stratan. He had wanted a team of young, pro-European people

and was pleased that the new cabinet did not have even one Soviet-era

leader.



12. (C) Voronin said he understood his political mandate would finish

next year, and he had no pretension to extend it. He would devote

himself to raising grapes and other private pursuits, though perhaps

remain a deputy in parliament. But he left no doubt that he wanted

Moldova's political course to follow the lines he had set. He

speculated that Moldova needed eight more years of the policies he

put in place to ensure its own sovereignty and place in the world.

Voronin said that he already knows whom he has in mind to be the PCRM

candidate for president, but will not reveal the name now, lest that

spoil his chances. He would perhaps reveal the name before the

Parliamentary elections, so that voters who vote for the PCRM will

know who the president would be. He said that the person is someone

well-known and respected.



Western Concerns about Elections and Media

--------------



13. (C) Voronin said that Moldova had satisfied most Council of

Europe requirements for electoral laws, with the only remaining

question being the percentage of the threshold. Although he has been

criticized and told that five percent would be fairer than six, PCRM

deputies in parliament had their own views and could not always be

swayed, even by Vornin himself. He underscored his desire to see a

European course for Moldova. European delegations sometimes complain

about lack of press freedoms, but Voronin scoffed that they could not

give concrete examples. Voronin said anyone looking at the press

could see much open and free criticism of him and the PCRM.



Voronin's Opposition to the Opposition

--------------



14. (C) In commenting on opposition leaders, Voronin showed most

dislike for Urechean. He claimed Urechean's popularity had slipped

to under 8 percent and if it continued to drop, Urechean might not

make it over the 6 percent hurdle. Voronin charged that Urechean's

ten years as mayor of Chisinau had been a total disaster, allowing

corrupt clans in Chisinau to make inroads. He claimed that after the

2005 elections Urechean got financing from Russia via Transnistria,

but then went over to a pro-Romanian position. He said that there

were many "strange things" in Moldovan politics that were difficult

to understand.



15. (C) As an example he cited former Prime Minister Tarlev's recent

establishment of the Friends of Russia movement. Voronin said the

circle around Tarlev wanted eventually to establish a political party

to be a third force between the PCRM and opposition. Tarlev had

turned down an offer to be a PCRM deputy and opted to form this

pro-Russia group, much to Voronin's displeasure. Voronin



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sarcastically speculated "if I'm not in this group, does that make me

an enemy of Russia?"



16. (C) Voronin admitted that he himself had been surprised by how

Iurie Rosca had realigned and was now in informal coalition with the

communists. He attributed the turnabout to a 2005 incident in which

the Government had saved Rosca's life from an FSB assassination plot.

He felt the two could work together on key issues. Voronin had

promised Rosca not to change the flag, the hymn, or the state

language, and in return had secured Rosca's support. Voronin said

that it was possible to make agreements with Rosca, and deal with him

"like a man." Diacov on the other hand, dithered about, saying one

thing, and then the next day changing his mind. Commenting on Filat,

Voronin called him a "dangerous creature" and said that he just does

not understand what Filat wants. Voronin claimed that Filat,

Urechean and Pasat are linked in an effort to overturn Communist

power with Moscow's help.



Voronin believes FSB is behind Pasat

--------------



17. (C) Voronin spoke at length about former Minister of Defense

Pasat, saying that probably neither the U.S. Embassy nor U.S.

intelligence services know the whole story. He charged that when

Pasat was working as Moldova's ambassador to Moscow, he had been

recruited as an FSB agent. Pasat also had close relations with

Transnistrian security services chief Antiufeev. Voronin charged

that Pasat had served as a channel for money. When Voronin had

become president, Pasat had proposed a scheme to use Russian

airplanes stationed at the Marciulesti Military Airport to export

weapons to Africa, Iraq and other locations. Voronin said he

expressed his outrage at the thought that Moldova would be sending

contraband to world terrorists and later decided to remove Pasat. He

said that the FSB never forgave him for closing the flow of weapons

through Transnistria, and Pasat is now again active in scheming

against him.



Good Agricultural Year, More Trade with Europe

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18. (C) Voronin said that this year has been a good one for the

agricultural sector, particularly in comparison to last year's

catastrophic drought. Voronin talked about a plot of land he

recently purchased where he is cultivating grapes and was

enthusiastic in his praise for Israeli drip irrigation technology,

which he wants to introduce in Moldova.



19. (C) Voronin said the Russian wine blockade ended up as a cloud

with a silver lining for Moldova, as the country was able to reorient

its exports. Moldovan wine had fallen from 75 percent of the Russian

market to only 15 percent but other markets were found. Poland was

the biggest European consumer of Moldovan wine. With European Union

trade preferences, trade with the EU was up 30 percent in the first

six months of this year While Ukraine was still Moldova's number one

trading partner, followed by Russia, Italy was now Moldova's biggest

trading partner in the EU. Voronin concluded that European trade

preferences have put Moldova in a unique position to import from the

EU and sell to the CIS or vice versa, and Moldova should take greater

advantage of this circumstance.



Comment

--------------



20. (C) This meeting was conducted in Russian and without

interpreters, with only Voronin, the Charge and Pol/Econ Chief

participating. Voronin appeared more relaxed and open than we had

even seen him before. He was seated under a tree when we arrived,

dressed casually in T-shirt (Yves Saint Laurent),slacks and running

shoes. He took great pride in the dacha which he said he had been

renovating throughout his presidency. He drove Charge and Emboff

around the grounds in a golf cart to show the sites, which included a

lake stocked with carp, a mini-farm with ducks, geese and barnyard

animals, as well as his three favorite dogs. He seemed to show a side

of himself not otherwise evident- as a nature-lover who cares for

animals, makes his own wine and food products and yearns for a simple

country life.



21 (C) Yet the great contradictions of the man were also evident.

While stressing his humble country roots and dislike for diplomatic

receptions and protocol, he entertained in extravagant rooms worthy

of Hapsburg hunting lodges with antiques, hunting trophies and

antlers covering walls. He asked Charge disparagingly why the

Embassy used Toyota Land Cruisers and boasted that he had just

acquired the latest Cadillac SUV and was a fan of all Cadillac cars.

Above all, he showed himself torn by his life-long communist

ideology, ambivalence for the new Russia, and attraction to Western

material wealth and a European direction for Moldova. He appeared in

part to resolve these conflicts by interpreting the world through

personalities and conspiracies which he himself admitted he sometimes

could not understand. He came across as a man still very much in

charge of his party and country but also as one beginning to



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reminisce about the past more than looking to the future.



PERINA