MEDIA ABUSES INCREASE AS ELECTIONS

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 CHISINAU 000751 SENSITIVE SIPDIS STATE FOR EUR/UMB, EUR/ACE, EUR/PPD E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PGOV PHUM PREL IIP KPAO KDEM MD SUBJECT: MEDIA ABUSES INCREASE AS ELECTIONS APPROACH (U) Sensitive But Unclassified - Please Protect Accordingly. ¶1. (SBU) Summary: Government interference with media abuse is increasing as the Spring 2009 parliamentary elections approach in Moldova. Government harassment of independent and pro- opposition journalists has been reported. Direct sponsorship of some major outlets and denial of information to others combine with a poorly trained corps of journalists to distort the information provided to the public. End Summary. The Moldovan media environment -------------- ¶2. (U) Over 420 media outlets serve the four million residents of Moldova, including Transnistria. Sixty percent are print media; 21 percent television; 13 percent radio; and four percent news agencies. Although the number of products is high, most are small and few are of high quality. Limited circulation and low purchasing power deter potential advertisers. The resulting lack of funds leads to low salaries and limited ability to upgrade equipment and printing facilities. Therefore, particularly outside Chisinau, much news comes directly from Russian, Ukrainian or Romanian outlets. ¶3. (SBU) Television is the second most trusted institution in Moldova after the Moldovan Orthodox Church. In an April poll by the Moldovan Institute of Public Policy, over 88 percent of respondents claimed television as their main source of information. Public TV station Moldova 1 is the most watched and trusted, although nearly 50 percent of respondents believe that its coverage may favor the government. The limited transmission capacity of most independent broadcasters prevents opposing views from being heard. Primary issues facing Moldovan media -------------- ¶4. (U) Moldovan media NGOs identify numerous challenges facing media: limited operational freedom; insufficient access to information from the government; pressure from authorities to report in prescribed ways; and self- censorship. Journalists often produce Qnews on demandQ and refrain from covering controversial issues that may affect their sponsors. There are also financial and technical problems, which include: low salaries and inadequate equipment; violation of labor rights for employees; low professional standards; and lack of communication between Romanian- and Russian- language media. ¶5. (U) The existing legal framework also limits media development. The new 2008 Code of Conduct of Public Servants restricts government employees from providing any information to the media. The Broadcasting Coordination Council, MoldovaQs main media regulating body has been criticized for non-transparent decision-making, including in the distribution of broadcasting licenses, and subservience to allies of the government. These factors and recently reported incidents of harassment of the media led Freedom House to rank Moldovan media as Qnot freeQ in its 2008 report. Examples of recent restrictions and abuses -------------- ¶6. (U) Journalists and NGOs report that the GOM harasses independent or pro-opposition journalists and denies them access to information. They also claim that the GOM pressures advertisers to work only with media outlets that are loyal to the ruling party. Since December 2007, media have reported several incidents in which the government CHISINAU 00000751 002 OF 004 denied media representatives access to public events. For example, in April, following a historic meeting between President Voronin and Transnistrian leader Igor Smirnov, Voronin held a news conference for a select few media representatives. All others were refused entry. ¶7. (U) Radio Vocea Basarabiei, a popular pro- Romanian radio station, experienced more direct harassment. Earlier this year police questioned reporters and even some listeners after the station aired criticism of Communist governance during a live program. In addition, on June 11, the Information and Security Service traced the IP addresses of a group of Moldovan adolescents who had posted anti-government comments on web-based forums. After questioning the youth, the General ProsecutorQs Office seized the computers of 12 of them. Officials claimed that the youth Qmade public calls to overthrow constitutional rule, liquidating Moldova's territorial integrity to reunify with Romania.Q The teens could face up to seven years in jail. On April 29, Moldova's influential opposition newspaper Jurnal de Chisinau reportedly had its bank accounts frozen because it publicized information about a lawsuit against a former prosecutor. ¶8. (U) Another tool is control of media coverage patterns. In May, the Audio-visual Council distributed 40 provincial TV frequencies. Despite a range of qualified applicants, it granted frequencies only to two pro-government stations, NIT and Euro-TV. This expanded coverage significantly for these stations, while preventing expansion by stations such as TV-7 and Pro-TV Chisinau, which are seen as producing more balanced news. In a separate incident, Vocea Basarabiei radio station filed a lawsuit against the government. It claims that the Audio-visual Council withdrew its license for a frequency in southern Moldova in 2007 without specifying any reason, and subsequently gave the frequency to a radio station that is loyal to the GOM. ¶9. (U) Widespread governmental influence over the former state-owned broadcaster Teleradio Moldova, whose radio and television news consistently favored pro-governmental candidates and ignored opposition candidates during the local election campaign in 2007, hinders the transformation of the station into a public broadcaster. In February, two members of the Board of Observers, which oversees the stations, published a report criticizing the lack of progress in reforming the Teleradio Moldova stations. The Board subsequently banned its members from expressing public opinions without prior consent of all the board members. Additionally, the chairman of Teleradio Moldova sued the authors for libel. Media as politics, media as business -------------- ¶10. (SBU) Limited finances increase media's vulnerability to economic and political influence. Few economically successful media are independent. Most take the form of a local insert in a foreign publication or re- broadcasting of foreign TV channels supplemented with several hours of local programming. The most popular commercial TV station, Pervyi Kanal (viewed by 34 percent of Moldovans),is reportedly associated with businesses run by the PresidentQs son, Oleg Voronin. Until recently, the station produced no local programs, but it now says that it intends to launch its own newscast ahead of the elections. CHISINAU 00000751 003 OF 004 ¶11. (SBU) Many media outlets rely on foreign sponsors or political parties for funding. According to the Moldovan MFA, twelve Romanian language papers, including Flux, Moldova's second largest, received funding from the Romanian government. Moldovan officials perceive such funding as political interference, and they consider the recipients disloyal to the government. However, the Communist Party openly sponsors Kommunist and Puls, and unofficially provides legal and financial support to others, such as NIT TV. Basa-Press, Moldova's first independent news agency, was taken over by the media group serving the Communist Party in 2007. The newspaper distribution system outside Chisinau is monopolized by Posta Moldova, which commands high fees and delays delivery of papers, further limiting access to information outside of Chisinau. ¶12. (SBU) The financial situation for Moldovan media became even more difficult in November 2007, when the largest advertisement sales house changed ownership. Video International Moldova (VI) was replaced by a local sales house, Casa Media, a move supported by VI's largest clients, Prime and NIT. Casa Media immediately ceased offering prime advertising packages to other VI clients, including Pro-TV Chisinau and TV-7. Sources suggest that Casa Media belongs to Oleg Voronin. Moldovan officials promise increased openness -------------- ¶13. (SBU) On June 10, President Voronin announced his intention to promote greater media freedom. He has since proposed that Parliament cancel legal provisions imposing financial penalties for instances where media is accused of libel and Qpersonal attack, limiting recourse to a public apology or correction. This appears to echo Prime Minister Zinaida Greceanii's May promise to change the government press strategy to increase access to information of public interest and respond to media requests in a more timely manner. However, prominent media and legal NGOs oppose the initiative, stating that it will encourage misinformation in media. One factor is that the change will also protect government-leaning media from suit if they attack opposition figures. COMMENT -------------- ¶14. (SBU) Inter-related problems of a small media market, limited advertising income, and lack of a strong journalism ethic leave the system open to both economic and political pressures. Early signs suggest that the government and its allies will continue trying to exploit that situation to affect the outcome of the 2009 elections. There has been insufficient time to measure whether the government's stated objective to improve access to information reflects a true plan to decrease efforts to manipulate media coverage; however recent actions suggest that it is unlikely. ¶15. (SBU) Countering these trends requires on- going support in various ways. Improved management skills would allow media managers to attract more advertisers and manage limited finances more efficiently. Greater investigative skills and appreciation of the value of a truly independent and responsible press would decrease journalistsQ willingness to self-censor. Practical experience in communicating with the public can allow politicians, including those in government, to recognize the value of a credible, free media, despite the reality that they will sometimes be critical. Potentially most valuable would be an expansion of small, independent media outlets CHISINAU 00000751 004 OF 004 and regional media networks, which would increase access to quality local programming and a diversity of viewpoints. Support in each of these areas will be particularly important as the Moldovan election season nears. END COMMENT PERINA END