JOURNALISTS: TUNISIA'S MOST WANTED?

C O N F I D E N T I A L TUNIS 001566 SIPDIS SIPDIS STATE FOR DRL (JOHNSTONE/KLARMAN) NEA/MAG (HOPKINS/HARRIS) AND NEA/PPD LONDON AND PARIS FOR NEA WATCHER E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/05/2017 TAGS: PHUM PGOV PREL KDEM KPAO TS SUBJECT: JOURNALISTS: TUNISIA'S MOST WANTED? REF: A. 06 TUNIS 1658 ¶B. TUNIS 939 ¶C. TUNIS 595 ¶D. TUNIS 1329 ¶E. TUNIS 1378 ¶F. TUNIS 1225 ¶G. TUNIS 1486 ¶H. TUNIS 1525 ¶I. TUNIS 1531 ¶J. TUNIS 1555 Classified By: Ambassador Robert F. Godec for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) -------------- Summary and Introduction -------------- ¶1. (C) From its actions, one might think Tunisia's governing regime regards independent journalists as threats to stability. In the past six months alone, journalists have been followed, harassed, assaulted, prosecuted, and jailed; all apparently for the "crime" of writing articles for online publications, most of which are blocked in Tunisia. These articles have tackled such "dangerous" topics as promoting freedom of expression, opposing corruption, and advocating increased political participation. Several recent events concerning journalists have underscored the GOT's antagonistic attitude towards freedom of expression. The result is a vacuum of credible critical domestic reporting, and an increasingly apathetic public that is turning to international satellite television for domestic commentary and news. End Summary and Introduction. -------------- The Pen is Mightier Than the Sword? -------------- ¶2. (C) A most wanted list, by its nature, mirrors the concerns of society. In the United States such a list would be composed of fugitives, terrorists, or drug smugglers. To Tunisia's governing regime, however, threats to domestic stability do not come solely from criminals, but also from journalists. Most reporting on controversial national issues takes place in the opposition or international press (access to which is restricted in Tunisia). Given the very limited reach of the small, weekly opposition papers, one would think that such journalists pose little threat to regime stability, but judging from its reaction the Government of Tunisia takes the power of the pen very seriously. The following examples represent typical GOT responses: -- On multiple occasions, plainclothes police reportedly confiscated the copies of opposition newspapers carrying articles critical of the GOT (Refs C and D). -- Plainclothes police have reportedly assaulted Al Jazeera correspondent and President of the Tunisian Journalists' Syndicate (SJT) Lotfi Hajji on several occasions, one of which was captured on video and posted on YouTube.com and Dailymotion.com (Ref E, www.dailymotion.com/video/x3302i lotfihajji 27092007tunisie politics). Both video hosting sites were subsequently blocked in Tunisia. -- On December 4, journalist Slim Boukhdhir, author of several articles on government corruption, was sentenced to one year in prison on charges of insulting a police officer, not presenting his national ID card, and using foul language (Ref J). The arrest came soon after Boukhdhir concluded a two week hunger strike protesting GOT travel restrictions (Ref G). Boukhdhir has previously reported being beaten by police officers, allegations which have been echoed by international human rights groups. Reporters Without Borders said in a December 4 press release about Boukhdhir's conviction that, "Tunisian journalists are often jailed on grounds unrelated to their work so that the authorities cannot be accused of censorship." -------------- The State of the Fourth Estate -------------- ¶3. (C) Government officials routinely explain that in order to maintain stability, reform must be undertaken slowly. Judging from its track record, however, one wonders how the GOT defines progress. International NGOs such as the Committee to Protect Journalists and Reporters Without Borders (RWB) have long denounced the GOT's limits on free speech. RWB ranked Tunisia at 145 out of 169 countries in its 2007 World Press Freedom Index, placing it below countries such as Azerbaijan and Sudan. President Ben Ali is on RWB's list of the world's 34 worst press freedom predators. The GOT says it only blocks internet sites that promote violence or are pornographic, but blocked sites in Tunisia include the websites of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information and the Maghreb Alliance for Democracy as well as portions of the Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch sites. ¶4. (C) Government action limiting freedom of expression is not limited to the harassment of specific journalists who cover human rights, corruption, or political participation. Several institutional mechanisms also limit freedom of expression and encourage self-censorship. For example, Tunisian law allows sentences of up to five years in prison for offensive statements against the President, and up to three years in prison for defamation of constitutional bodies (for example the high-profile prosecution and conviction of Mohamed Abbou for "defamation of the judicial system," see Ref A). Though formal censorship does not extend to newspapers, the GOT informally censors publications by controlling authorization to print. Print media is required to request copyright registration from the Ministry of the Interior (MOI),which then grants official permission to publish (valid for one year). This permission must be obtained prior to printing, effectively banning any unlicensed publications. The penalty for violating these rules is a substantial, per copy, personal fines. The ability to censor international publications and books outright rests with the judiciary. ¶5. (C) The dismal state of Institute for the Press and Information Science (IPSI) -- the under funded national journalism school which has no student newspaper, radio or television station -- is another example of the GOT,s deliberate undermining of journalism as an institution. Even more striking is the long-standing GOT obstruction of labor protections for journalists. While national salary standards and other rules governing the treatment of journalists are spelled out in the national Press Code, they are patently ignored by many employers, and Tunisian journalists do not have a recognized independent union to defend their rights (Ref I). Of the eight mainstream daily newspapers, two are government-owned, two are owned by the ruling Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD),and two are nominally private but GOT-influenced. Only two seem to retain some measure of independence. Four opposition party newspapers have editorial independence from the government, but very limited circulation and readership. Journalists at all the papers practice self-censorship to varying degrees, or risk their losing their jobs (or worse). -------------- The Big Picture -------------- ¶6. (C) In a December 7 lunch hosted by the DCM, several prominent journalists discussed the impact of real and self-censorship on the domestic media scene. The general consensus was that Tunisian journalists had the most freedom fifteen to twenty years ago, at the beginning of the Ben Ali years, and that conditions today are the most restrictive they have ever experienced. Sofiane Ben Farhat (editor and commentator at French-language daily La Presse) worried that his reporters were too timid and too deferential to authority, including both their editors and the powers-that-be. Zyed Krichene (editor-in-chief at private French-language weekly Realites) admitted that Tunisian journalists today can,t offer anyone lessons on press freedom, not even Mali, though he emphasized that many Tunisian journalists are pushing the envelope within the limited openings available to them. Krichen said that he often calls to congratulate reporters at other publications for an especially courageous piece, and points out such pieces to his reporters to help them identify and emulate good journalism. ¶7. (C) Moncef Ben M'Rad (director of Arabic-language weekly Al Akhbar Al Joumhouria and perhaps the doyen of Tunisian journalists) criticized reporters from across the political spectrum, opposition and pro-government, for using the press as a platform for personal attacks. He opined that dialogue between opposing viewpoints is impossible unless the parties exhibit a certain level of respect for each other. He made a point of singling out Ben Farhat and Rachid Khachana (editor-in-chief of PDP opposition weekly Al-Mowqif) as examples of thoughtful, responsible journalists. Despite the compliment, Khachana countered that such personal attacks are in fact one-sided; the justice system does not take complaints from civil society seriously, and activists have no recourse for defamation. Khachana also pointed out the very negative roles played by national press agency Tunis Afrique Press (TAP) and the Tunisian Agency for External Communication (French acronym ATCE) in stifling press freedom. TAP controls the flow of information, and even when journalists are at an event they often do not report aspects not reported in the TAP news releases for fear of straying from "safe" ground. Despite its name, ATCE among other duties controls the placement of state and state-affiliated advertising. ¶8. (C) The impact of the two institutions on Tunisian journalism is clear. Even without a call from a minister or more ominous forms of intimidation, the result is self-censorship and a tendency to mediocrity among the mainstream press for fear of losing this critical source of income. Just such privation of government support occurred earlier this year to the Dar Assabah publishing house, home of Tunisia,s oldest independent paper As Sabah and sister publication Le Temps, following daring reporting and commentary of the Hammam Lif and Soliman terrorist incidents. While advertising was later restored, the incident served as a reminder for all publications just how short the leash can be. -------------- Comment -------------- ¶9. (C) The vacuum of credible critical domestic reporting in Tunisia, attributable in large part to direct and indirect GOT pressures on individual journalists and journalism as an institution, is creating an increasingly apathetic public. Educated Tunisians find little of interest in the local press, and many say they do not read the local papers except for sports, culture and classifieds. Their primary source for commentary and news comes from pan-Arab and European satellite television. This has the effect of shifting focus away from domestic events towards an often critical take on US foreign policy. Stifling debate on pertinent domestic issues can also alienate and polarize segments of the population. In the medium-term, the lack on an independent media and limits on access will hamper the efforts of opposition parties to campaign during the 2009 presidential and legislative elections. ¶10. (C) Tunisia's best hope of sustaining a domestic push for increased freedom of expression lies with a legally-recognized independent journalists union, but this is not likely to happen anytime soon (Ref I). Freedom of speech, freedom of association, and access to the media for opposition groups are now and are likely to remain significant issues in Tunisia. While a cadre of dedicated journalists is attempting to shine a spotlight on human rights and corruption issues, their task is a difficult one. Recent events do not indicate that independent journalists will fall off Tunisia's "Most Wanted" list anytime soon. End Comment. GODEC