DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/22/07

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 003877 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/22/07 Index: (1) Kin Town assembly calls on US Embassy to halt construction of new firing range; Same request to Prime Minister's Official Residence (Kantei),as well (2) Japan-India summit today; Japan eager to strengthen ties, despite India's tough diplomatic approach (3) Japan, Malaysia to strengthen cooperation on PKO (4) All deputy chief cabinet secretaries to be replaced, number of prime ministerial advisors to be reduced (5) LDP Secretary General Nakagawa expresses positive stance on "grand coalition with DPJ" (6) New Komeito gradually distancing itself from LDP, with Soka Gakkai distrustful of Prime Minister ABE (7) Interview with Nobutaka Machimura, chairman of Machimura faction: Government should change order of policy priorities (8) Editorial: Political funding needs a solid system (9) Facts about civilian control (Section 4): Thinking of SDF as Japan's new garrison-SDF in transformation (Part 1): Top-secret team set up six months before Iraq war; Cabinet Secretariat alone drafted special legislation ARTICLES: (1) Kin Town assembly calls on US Embassy to halt construction of new firing range; Same request to Prime Minister's Official Residence (Kantei),as well OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full) August 22, 2007 Tokyo In connection with the issue of the construction of a small-arms firing range for the US Army's special forces being planned near Range 3 of the US military's Camp Hansen, a delegation led by Yoshimasa Matsuda, head of the town assembly of Kin visited consecutively the US Embassy and the Kantei yesterday to call for an immediate halt in the planned construction. According to Matsuda, Raymond Greene, the chief of the security affairs section of the US Embassy sought the assembly side's understanding, stating: "We looked into whether there might be another place for the training, but came up with the conclusion that the only place for it was Camp Hansen. The training will be carried out more safely and more effectively than before." Responding for the Kantei, Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Seiji Suzuki did not refer specifically to halting the planned construction, but would only say, "We will transmit to the US side that safety is thoroughly and properly ensured." When the requests that started on the 20th were delivered, Matsuda stated: "The government has blindly followed the US' intention, and the gap in thinking between it and the local government, which is appealing TOKYO 00003877 002 OF 011 against an increase in the local burden, is great. The firing range is not yet built, so we would like to continue working on the government to block it." (2) Japan-India summit today; Japan eager to strengthen ties, despite India's tough diplomatic approach SANEKI (Page 5) (Slightly abridged) August 22, 2007 Sugimoto, New Delhi Prime Minister SHINZO Abe, now on a tour of Asia, will met Indian Prime Minister Singh in India on Aug. 22. Based on his value-oriented diplomatic approach, ABE will seek stronger ties with India, which places importance on the rule of law and basic human rights. China has built up its naval power in the Southwest Asian seas region, such as the Indian Ocean. Under such a situation, Japan and India share the common challenge of ensuring the safety of sea lanes as routes for vessels to transport crude oil from the Middle East. India, though, is also eager to expand relations with China. It therefore is not certain to what extent Japan will be able to deepen strategic ties with India in dealing with China. Prime Minister ABE said in a policy speech in Indonesia on Aug. 20: "Japan-India relations are more remote than what they ought to be in the economic, political, and security areas." ABE and Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono also confirmed when they met the need for both countries to join hands in ensuring safe navigation and peace-building in the Straits of Malacca. Even before assuming office, Prime Minister ABE advocated that Japan should strengthen ties with countries that have common values, such as democracy. In the Japan-United States summit in April, ABE proposed a four-way dialogue among Japan, the US, Australia, and India. President Bush expressed his support for it. This proposal is apparently aimed to hold in check moves by "China, which does not share values with Japan," as said by a government source. Among the countries that share common values with Japan, the prime minister is keen to come closer particularly to India. Besides its potential market, an accompanying source cited as the main reason for Abe's approach to India: "Both share the interests in terms of security, such as the need to ensure the safety of sea lanes as routes for oil to be transported from the Middle East." ABE had also exchanged views on this issue with leading Indian government officials when he visited India in March 2005 as LDP deputy secretary general. SIPDIS By increasing its defense budget annually in the double-digit range for the 19th consecutive year, China has upgraded its distance deployment capability. The threat China has posed to Japan and India, both of which are adjacent to China, is becoming more serious year by year. China supported a project to expand the naval base and commercial port facilities in Gwadar in Pakistan, which has a tense relationship with India. China also set up a radar base on the leased Cocos Island in Burma (Myanmar),located near the Indian military base on the Andaman Islands - an Indian territory. In Chittagong in Bangladesh, China renovated port facilities as part of efforts to make them more convenient for its navy. A Foreign Ministry official said: "Its stronger precaution and angry reaction to China's moves have prompted India to reinforce its navy." TOKYO 00003877 003 OF 011 Under such a situation, Japan, the US, and India carried out their first joint training in the Pacific Ocean, in waters near Japan, this April. In September, five countries - Japan, the US, Australia, India, and Singapore - will conduct joint training in the Bengaru Gulf in the Indian Ocean. In the planned meeting with the Indian prime minister, ABE is expected to stress the need for the two countries to promote security cooperation further and to propose a strategic dialogue among Japan, the US, Australia, and India. When former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi visited India in April 2005, the Japanese and Indian leaders agreed to start a discussion on jointly developing oil and natural gas development in waters near the Andaman Islands. During Prime Minister Abe's visit, Japan-India cooperation is expected to take shape. In the past, China and India often engaged in a military clash over the demarcation of a borderline, but they have also improved their relations, on the strength of deepening economic ties. In a China-Russia summit this March, the two countries confirmed that they would beef up efforts to strengthen trilateral relations among China, Russia, and India. In a China-India summit last November, the two countries agreed to double the value of their trade to 40 billion dollars by 2010. As it stands, they have steadily translated their own diplomatic strategies into action. Keeping such moves in mind, Japan intends to watch carefully what moves India will make, as a Foreign Ministry source said: "India has developed a complicated, tough diplomacy." Prime Minister ABE arrived at Palam Air Force Station in New Delhi, India, on the afternoon of Aug. 21, local time. (3) Japan, Malaysia to strengthen cooperation on PKO SANKEI (Page 5) (Full) August 22, 2007 The government decided yesterday to strengthen cooperation with Malaysia on United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKO). Specifically, Japan will work out personnel assistance measures, such as dispatching experts in the Defense Ministry to the PKO training center in Malaysia. Prime Minister SHINZO ABE is scheduled to visit Malaysia on Aug. 23. He intends to incorporate such assistance measures in a joint statement that the two countries' leaders will issue when they meet. Malaysia is a foremost PKO advanced country in Asia, having its own PKO training center. The training center, established in 1996, has invited lecturers from various countries. They lecture to government forces and civilian police officers about UN organizations and technologies related to weapons to be used in PKO. The center has also accepted students from many other countries and international institutes, including Japanese. Foreign Minister Taro Aso announced last August a concept to establish small private schools (Terakoya) in Asia designed to nurture personnel who will engage in peace-building activities. The aim of stepping up cooperation with Malaysia in the PKO area is also to give impetus to the Terakoya concept. The joint statement will also specify cooperation between the two TOKYO 00003877 004 OF 011 countries in containing global warming. Japan will provide the Malaysian government with its technology to produce biofuel, which will lead to reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Malaysia produces palm oil, raw material for biofuel. The prime minister hopes to back up the global efforts to redress the global warming problem through such Japan-Malaysia cooperation. (4) All deputy chief cabinet secretaries to be replaced, number of prime ministerial advisors to be reduced YOMIURI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) August 22, 2007 Prime Minister SHINZO ABE is likely to refresh the Kantei (Prime Minister's Official Residence) lineup timed with the reshuffle of his cabinet, planned for August 27. It became certain yesterday that in addition to Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuhisa Shiozaki, who is expected to be replaced, Hakubun Shimomura and Seiji Suzuki will resign as deputy chief cabinet secretaries for parliamentary affairs. There is also a strong possibility that Junzo Matoba will step down as deputy chief cabinet secretary for administrative affairs. Coordination is also underway to reduce the number of advisors to the prime minister, which now stands at five. Abe launched his cabinet last September that was packed with his close friends and aides, such as Shiozaki. Matoba was also picked from Abe's brain trust. Although Abe's intention was to run policies flexibly, the cabinet lineup has been criticized from within the ruling bloc. ABE apparently decided to completely revamp the Kantei system as he reshuffles his cabinet. One plan being mentioned is to appoint former cabinet ministers truly versed in Diet affairs as deputy chief cabinet secretaries for parliamentary affairs. Some are recommending former National Police Agency Director-General Iwao Uruma and others for the post of deputy chief cabinet secretary for administrative affairs. In establishing his cabinet last year, ABE increased the number of prime ministerial advisors from two to the maximum five, one each responsible for national security, economic and fiscal policy, the abduction issue, educational revitalization, and public relations. The advisors' authority has been ambiguous, and disputes with cabinet ministers and concerned ministries and agencies have often been mentioned. For this reason, ABE is considering keeping some advisor posts vacant or abolishing them. The post of advisor on national security has been unfilled since Yuriko Koike became defense minister. Now that Kyoko Nakayama, a private-sector advisor on the abduction issue, won an Upper House seat in the July election, all advisors are now lawmakers. (5) LDP Secretary General Nakagawa expresses positive stance on "grand coalition with DPJ" MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) August 22, 2007 Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Secretary General Hidenao Nakagawa was asked at a news conference on 21 August about whether the LDP should form a grand coalition with the Democratic Party of Japan TOKYO 00003877 005 OF 011 (DPJ). Nakagawa expressed a positive stance, saying, "If we mainly consider reform to create better Japan, I believe that the way to respond to the popular will is for the ruling and opposition parties to march (together)." Nakagawa said that the DPJ, which has been stepping up a confrontational stance, should indicate that the party will "stop giving the highest priority to the political situation and implement policies for the public as a whole." In this way, he called on the DPJ to change its position. Nakagawa added: "(The people indicated in opinion polls and other ways that) the first thing that they hope for is a coalition government of the LDP and the DPJ. With that in mind, I wish to give it consideration in a humble manner." However, most observers are taking Nakagawa's remarks as a "wishful thinking," because Nakagawa is slated to step down as LDP secretary general. (6) New Komeito gradually distancing itself from LDP, with Soka Gakkai distrustful of Prime Minister ABE SANKEI (Page 5) (Full) August 22, 2007 The junior coalition partner New Komeito will today bring together representatives from its prefectural chapters at party headquarters and examine the results of the July 29 Upper House election. The New Komeito joined a coalition government with the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in 1999. Since then the New Komeito widened support in the proportional representation segment, but in the recent Upper House election, it suffered a historic setback, seeing a large number of voters moving away from the party. A sense of distrust of Prime Minister SHINZO ABE is spreading in the New Komeito's power base, Soka Gakkai. Even in the New Komeito, some are insisting that the party should reconsider the current policy line adopted by the coalition of the LDP and the New Komeito. Marking the eighth anniversary of the formation of the coalition government with the LDP, the New Komeito's leadership finds it increasingly difficult to manage the situation. Grumbling "I thought Prime Minister ABE could have garnered more votes." Soka Gakkai Honorary Chairman Daisaku Ikeda reportedly made this complaint to a senior New Komeito member at a Soka Gakkai staff meeting held in Tokyo's Hachioji City on Aug. 1, when the New Komeito was still in the midst of the shock of its crushing defeat in the Upper House election. Ikeda delivered a speech in the session premised on continuing to give support to the ABE administration in the future as well. Perhaps for that, his "grumbling" did not appear in Soka Gakkai's newspaper, but this episode revealed that the LDP-New Komeito line is becoming "fragile." At a session of the New Komeito Lower House caucus held in the Diet at noon on Aug. 9, a veteran lawmaker made this shocking analysis: "The LDP may be on the road to collapse. Our party must make clear our free and unbiased line." Because this remark could be taken to mean leaving the coalition, the conference room became deathly silent. TOKYO 00003877 006 OF 011 There was no one who echoed that view, but other lawmakers, too, expressed displeasure at the LDP, with one arguing, "There was no good effect of being in the ruling bloc on the Upper House election." Another lawmaker complained: "Except for some areas, election cooperation this time between the LDP and the New Komeito did not go well." The New Komeito saw its incumbent candidates lose their seats in three constituencies -- Aichi, Kanagawa, and Saitama -- in the Upper House election this time. Even in the proportional representation segment, the votes the party garnered this time came to 7,765,000 from the previous 8,620,000. This outcome was far from the party's longstanding goal of winning 10 million votes in the proportional representation segment. "Strained cooperative ties" The New Komeito had supported ABE principally because he would be the "face of election." Otherwise, there had been from the beginning big gaps between Abe, an advocate of revising the Constitution, and the New Komeito, which has adopted a pacifist policy line, over foreign and security affairs. Well aware of that, the New Komeito leadership has contained supporters' complaints so far. If ABE is no longer useful as the "face of elections," the party would be bound to be criticized by its supporters. Perhaps for these circumstances or other reasons, the New Komeito is beginning to distance itself from the LDP. In fact, one veteran lawmaker revealed: "Our relationship with the LDP will take a strained, cooperative one. We are ready to give harsh advice to the LDP, and we will adopt a confrontational stance toward them." New Komeito Representative Akihiro Ota intends to play the role of a counterpart of the prime minister from now on. Double-edged sword Intensifying criticism of the government and the LDP would be a "double-edged sword" for the New Komeito, however. Excessive criticism could bring confusion to the political situation as the major opposition Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) is stepping up its offensive against the government and the LDP. It would be the New Komeito that would be most troubled should the Lower House be resolved for a snap general election, given the party's meticulous preparations for its "organized election". One New Komeito executive officer noted: "If the New Komeoto failed in the next Lower House election, we would vanish. We have been faced with the most serious crisis our party was formed." (7) Interview with Nobutaka Machimura, chairman of Machimura faction: Government should change order of policy priorities NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) August 18, 2007 Following the Liberal Democratic Party's crushing defeat in the July House of Councillors election, Prime Minister SHINZO ABE has decided to reorganize his cabinet and the lineup of LDP leadership on Aug. 27, determined to reconstruct his party. The Nikkei interviewed key persons in the ruling camp to ask for their views about important points in reorganizing the cabinet and outlooks for the political situation. TOKYO 00003877 007 OF 011 -- Calls for the prime minister's resignation have yet to die down, don't you agree? Since we suffered a devastating defeat in the election, various views naturally came out. When the Hosokawa government was launched and our party was driven into opposition, harsher opinions were presented in joint plenary meetings of party members of both houses of the Diet. The current situation is much calmer than at that time. -- The prime minister, before all of the ballots were counted, had already expressed his intention to stay in power. Some lashed out at this stance. The problem was whether the timing was proper or not. -- What are key points in reorganizing the cabinet? It is important to place the right person in the right place. Since we experienced a humiliating defeat in the election, it is also necessary to change the order of policy priorities. The government has lost public trust because of the pension problem. Since the health, labor and welfare minister has to take care of many areas, it might be desirable to establish a ministerial post for pension issues. -- There are calls for replacing Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuhisa Shiozaki. I hear a considerable number of persons are calling for his resignation. The prime minister's judgment is reflected most significantly in selecting the chief cabinet secretary. -- If the prime minister, who has yet to gain public confidence, continues to stay in power, politics led by the Kantei will have to be reviewed. The Hashimoto administration introduced the Kantei-led structure for the first time. Since then, that system has been kept in place. The structure itself is on the right track, but it is not desirable for the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy, which is just an advisory panel to the prime minister, to be acting like a decision-making panel. Some critics wonder if academics and business leaders really know the circumstances of local communities. -- The focus of attention in the extraordinary Diet session this fall will be on an extension of the Antiterrorism Special Measures Law. It will be acceptable if it will become possible for Japan to continue to dispatch (Self-Defense Force troops) by revising the bill. The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) should discuss the issue in a cautious manner. In the party, there are members who are supportive of extending the law. But the party president has clearly expressed his opposition to the government's plan. In this case, the president's stance is regarded as the party's policy. The president of a responsible political party should not take such an approach. -- Do you think the House of Representatives will be dissolved for a snap election within a year? TOKYO 00003877 008 OF 011 It is premature to talk about the possibility of dissolving the Lower House. The DPJ apparently aims to have the administration dissolve the Lower House as soon as possible within this year. We should consider it more prudently. -- Some suggest that political groups should be required to produce receipts for expenditures of more than one yen in amending the Political Funds Control Law again. I think this is a proper idea. We should take measures, based on the principle of making the flow of political funds as transparent as possible. (8) Editorial: Political funding needs a solid system ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) August 22, 2007 The ABE cabinet was hit by yet another politics-and-money scandal. At the center of this scandal is Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuhisa Shiozaki, the linchpin of the ABE cabinet. A staff member at his local office has reportedly embezzled a large sum of money by double-booking office expenses. It is appalling to learn that the chief cabinet secretary has failed to manage and supervise his own staff despite a series of political fund scandals involving cabinet ministers. In order to conceal the embezzlement, the staff member attached copied receipts to two sets of funding reports. The method is the same as that of former Agriculture Minister Norihiko Akagi's case that came to light just before the July House of Councillors election. Shiozaki's case is worse than Akagi's in that the staffer used two sets of funding reports that differ in nature to conceal the embezzlement. Under the Political Funds Control Law, political organizations, such as party chapters, are required to submit their annual political funding reports either to the internal affairs and communications minister or to prefectural election administration committees. In addition, the Public Offices Election Law requires them to file campaign spending reports with prefectural election administration committees. According to the Shiozaki office, the staff member embezzled some 6.3 million yen in political funds held by the LDP branch which Shiozaki heads. To cover this up, he reportedly attached copies of receipts that were originally used for Shiozaki's campaign funding report to the funding report of the LDP branch. The system requiring two separate funding reports under the two laws is clearly a breeding ground for irregularities. Following the ruling bloc's crushing defeat in the previous election, the Democratic Party of Japan and New Komeito are planning to revise the Political Funds Control Law to mandate all political groups to attach receipts for expenditures of one yen or more for political activities and operating expenses. TOKYO 00003877 009 OF 011 Their plan merits high marks, though that is not enough for disclosing the use of political funds to the public. First, a system must be established requiring political groups to produce original receipts. In the corporate world, expenses cannot be settled without receipts. The problem lies in the system itself that allows political organizations to attach copied receipts to their funding reports. It is also essential to make them submit their funding reports solely to the internal affairs and communications minister to make it easier to cross examine. Further, a system must be created so that anyone can see the funding reports, including receipts, on the Internet. In order to see receipts under the current system, one must ask for information disclosure, which is time-consuming. We find it difficult to understand that Shiozaki simply released a short statement, instead of holding a press conference, in the wake of the revelation of the serious embezzlement of political funds by his staff member. The chief cabinet secretary handled the matter poorly, and it seems natural that the Liberal Democratic Party's discussion on the question of politics and money has been stalled. The LDP's failure to make a positive move could be a chance for other parties, such as the DPJ and New Komeito, to win public trust. We want to see political parties vie for better plans to realize transparency in the extraordinary Diet session in the fall. (9) Facts about civilian control (Section 4): Thinking of SDF as Japan's new garrison-SDF in transformation (Part 1): Top-secret team set up six months before Iraq war; Cabinet Secretariat alone drafted special legislation TOKYO (Top play) (Full) August 19, 2007 "The way things are going, I can't send troops. I need a resolution from the United Nations." On the night of April 16, 2003, (then) Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi was at his temporary official residence in Higashigotanta, Tokyo. He suddenly made a telephone call to US President Bush and asked him over the phone to work for a UN resolution. A month earlier, the United States had launched attacks on Iraq. "I will strengthen the Japan-US alliance." With this commitment behind him, Koizumi had made up his mind to send troops from the Self-Defense Forces to Iraq. Koizumi was concerned about how to justify his plan to send SDF troops to Iraq. If Koizumi had brought up his SDF dispatch plan for the sake of the Japan-US alliance, he would have faced criticism for kowtowing to the United States. As a result, his SDF Iraq dispatch plan might have fallen through. Koizumi wanted to be able to account for his SDF dispatch to Iraq as Japan's international contribution. To do so, Koizumi thought that a UN resolution would be needed for the international community to help with Iraq's nation-rebuilding efforts. TOKYO 00003877 010 OF 011 Japan sent the same message to the United States through various diplomatic channels. The United States, as a result, conducted lobbying activities at the United Nations. On May 22, soon after major conflict began in Iraq, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1483. It was exactly what Koizumi had wanted. Shortly thereafter, US Deputy Secretary of State Armitage visited Japan. Armitage met Taku Yamasaki, the then secretary general of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. "We were able to get a resolution," Armitage told Yamasaki in the meeting. Armitage was in high spirits. He added, "Why don't you create a special measures law?" Yamasaki recalled, "The prime minister and I had made it a minimum prerequisite to obtain a UN resolution, so the United States was desperate." Major countries like Russia, China, and France came out against the Iraq war. The United States was becoming isolated. Japan was the first to stand behind the United States in the Iraq war. Japan must have appeared to be a precious supporter. "Go ahead with new legislation." In late May, Koizumi told his chief cabinet secretary, Yasuo Fukuda, to work out a new law. It was Koizumi's official order to create a special legislative measure for Japan's Iraq assistance, which was later shaped into the Law for Special Measures to Implement Humanitarian and Reconstruction Assistance Activities and Security Assistance Activities in Iraq, or the Iraq Special Measures Law for short. However, the Cabinet Secretariat had already set up a team of more than 10 bureaucrats to work out a draft of the Iraq Special Measures Law in private. It was six months before the Iraq war was started. Across from the prime minister's office is the Cabinet Office, a prefabricated hut was erected in a corner location. Walking down the prefab's creaking passage, there was one room where the team of Cabinet Secretariat bureaucrats worked to draft the Iraq Special Measures Law. Teijiro Furukawa, the then deputy chief cabinet secretary for administrative affairs, served five prime ministers as the government's top bureaucrat. Furukawa told the team to rack their brains about what Japan could do once the United States launched its use of armed force in Iraq. Strangely enough, the Foreign Ministry and the Defense Agency at the time were excluded from the team. The Cabinet Secretariat's bureaucrats are mostly from other government offices. Of course, there are also some people seconded on loan from the Foreign Ministry and the Defense Agency. The Cabinet Secretariat banned them even from consulting with their home offices. That was because the Cabinet Secretariat had feared information leaks. "We've got to make preparations at all times so the prime minister can make right decisions-that's the iron rule for us the government's administrative officials," Furukawa said. "But," he added, "I made detailed reports to Chief Cabinet Secretary Fukuda." With this, Furukawa stressed that the bureaucracy did not run away with itself for the special legislation. On June 9, 2003, the government presented the LDP and its coalition partner, New Komeito, with a draft bill for the special measures law that features "humanitarian and reconstruction assistance TOKYO 00003877 011 OF 011 activities" and "security assistance activities" (or rear-echelon support for US forces). It was only two days after Koizumi clarified his intention to create a new law. The government could come up with the special legislation since the Cabinet Secretariat had prepared at an early stage to work it out. There was a miscalculation. The special legislation, as one of its features, was worded: "dealing with weapons of mass destruction." The Defense Agency raised an objection to this wording, claiming that the SDF cannot deal with WMDs. The wording was crossed out in the draft bill. Intelligence from the United States weighed heavily with the Cabinet Secretariat. The United States reiterated that there must be WMDs in SIPDIS Iraq. The Cabinet Secretariat thought nothing of the SDF's capability. Its legislative team worked well. However, its legislative team was provided with biased information. The United States later said its military could not discover any WMDs in Iraq. Its justification for the Iraq war therefore is shaky. The UN resolution does not refer to whether the Iraq war was justified. Japan, which based its support for the Iraq war on that UN resolution, cannot verify the propriety of the Iraq war, yet it continues the SDF mission in Iraq. This series, Thinking of SDF as Japan's new garrison, has so far looked at what the Ground, Maritime, and Air Self-Defense Forces have done in their respective overseas activities, including their assistance with Iraq. This series, in its fourth installment, will shed light on what went on behind the scenes of the civilian control set up that ordered such overseas activities. MESERVE