DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/31/07

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 08 TOKYO 002430 SIPDIS SIPDIS DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/31/07 INDEX: (1) Farm Minister Matsuoka's suicide: Life was dedicated to agriculture and forestry policies through use of power and money (2) Follow-up on Abe cabinet-Collective self-defense (Part 5): Premier aiming to accelerate discussion on constitutional revision; Question is how to obtain understanding inside, outside Japan (3) US concludes not to disclose names of crewmembers on board distressed helicopter in Okinawa, based on privacy prevention law (4) 35 years after Okinawa's reversion to Japan: Prefecture's dependence on US bases damages the environment (5) Kyuma referring to MSDF ship mobilized to offing of Henoko tells Okinawa governor: "Sorry to have caused you trouble" (6) Initial report by Regulatory Reform Council: J-Green to be dismantled with its two main operations abolished ARTICLES: (1) Farm Minister Matsuoka's suicide: Life was dedicated to agriculture and forestry policies through use of power and money ASAHI (Page 31) (Excerpts) May 30, 2007 A wake for former Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Minister Toshikatsu Matsuoka, who committed suicide on May 28, was held at a temple near his family home in Aso City, Kumamoto Prefecture, last night. The body of Matsuoka arrived at the home, where his mother lives alone, last evening. Matsuoka had often told his supporters in Aso: "The rice growers in Aso are now impoverished," and "I have known these farmers since my childhood. I fully understand their hardship." His family earned a living by growing rice in poor-grade flooded fields A former teacher of Matsuoka in elementary school noted: "His family was not rich." Matsuoka as a boy was quiet and undistinguished. During his years as an elementary and then junior high school student made little impression on his classmates. When he was a student at Tottori University's Agriculture Department, he started to desire to become a lawmaker, his childhood friend said. Approach to heavyweights, resorting to money influence from beginning In 1969, he joined the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries. After serving as Forestry Agency's public relations secretary, he left the ministry. In 1990, he ran in the general SIPDIS election from the former Kumamoto single-seat constituency. Matsuoka had already paved the way before declaring his candidacy. Immediately after entering the MAFF, he launched a study group to support former MAFF Minister Ichiro Nakagawa, who was a heavyweight in the Liberal Democratic Party's agriculture policy clique in the Diet, in an effort to deepen ties with Nakagawa and his secretary, Muneo Suzuki, who is now a House of Representatives member. TOKYO 00002430 002 OF 008 Susumu Hirose, who runs a stationary shop in Aso, quoted Matsuoka as having said several months before the election in 1990: "I (as a bureaucrat) have to move as told by lawmakers. I am determined to become a lawmaker and get down to agricultural issues." His slogan in his first election campaign was the "purification of politics," at a time when public distrust in politics was heightening after the exposure of the Recruit scandal. He stressed in the campaign: "If politics is compared to water, the water is too dirty to drink." Starting with this election campaign, Matsuoka was labeled as resorting to a bankrolled election strategy. A supporter of Matsuoka at that time said: "He distributed a set of soy sauce to each voter in his first election campaign." Another person concerned said: "He distributed money, calling it a door-to-door strategy." Hurls violent words to bureaucrats but brings jobs into electoral district When he was still a junior lawmaker, Matsuoka headed a special action team composed of about 20 lawmakers lobbying for the interests of farmers. A former MAFF vice minister said that he still remembers Matsuoka visiting the Finance Ministry and the Foreign Ministry and hurling violent words at bureaucrats, such as: "Attend meetings of the Agriculture and Forestry Division!" As the toughest member of the farm-policy clique, he gradually enhanced his influence in the MAFF. Meanwhile, local residents welcomed Matsuoka as a politician who "brings in jobs." A project to preserve intermediate and mountainous areas was carried out in the northern part of Kumamoto. Speaking before his supporters several years before the project started, Matsuoka had said: "I will bring jobs (offered by the Green Resources Agency) into Oguni-machi." In order for unknown Matsuoka with no local support group to secure support, there was no other means but to bring about benefits to his electoral district with agricultural and engineering policies. He had not expected at that time that the large-project project, of which Matsuoka had proudly spoken, would come under investigation on suspicion of bid-rigging. Matsuoka finally assumed office as head of the agriculture policy clique in the Diet on September 26 of last year. A former senior MAFF official said: "Mr. Matsuoka unprecedentedly dedicated himself entirely to agricultural and forestry policies, though many in the farm-policy clique tend to shift to other fields. I think he had strong aspirations to become MAFF minister." Powerfulness disappeared from his words and deeds starting early this month, when the suspicion about him deepened. Although Matsuoka showed up in a meeting of an industrial group on May 11, he "appeared to be a mere shell of his former self," according to a former House of Councillors member. (2) Follow-up on Abe cabinet-Collective self-defense (Part 5): Premier aiming to accelerate discussion on constitutional revision; TOKYO 00002430 003 OF 008 Question is how to obtain understanding inside, outside Japan YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full) May 24, 2007 After the press had left the room, Prime Minister Abe began to speak again: "If I say we can't do this from the aspect of our constitutional interpretation, Japan may lose its credibility in its alliance with the United States and in its international cooperation." On May 18, the COUNCIL for Rebuilding the Legal Foundation of National Security, a government-sponsored advisory panel of experts, met for the first time. In the meeting, Abe revealed his long-held concern about the government's conventional interpretation of the Constitution. "Japan has the right of collective self-defense but is not allowed to exercise the right." This is Japan's position based on the government's way of reading and interpreting the Constitution. "It's peculiar from the perspective of international law as well," a senior official of the Foreign Ministry says, "and it's difficult for foreign countries to understand such an argument." The advisory panel is also aware of what is problematical about such a way of interpreting the Constitution. "Japan's legal system must not be poles apart from the international community's," says Tokyo University Professor Shinichi Kitaoka, one of the advisory panel's members. Abe has advocated studying four specific cases: 1) whether the Self-Defense Forces is allowed to fight back if and when US naval vessels come under attack; 2) whether the SDF is allowed to intercept US-bound ballistic missiles in its missile defense; 3) whether the SDF is allowed to use weapons on the spot to guard foreign troops; and 4) whether the SDF is allowed to conduct logistic support for foreign troops. Putting together the views of many advisory panel members, there are some options that will logically make it possible for the SDF to act in these cases. The first option for Japan is to apply its right of individual self-defense. The second option is to create a new constitutional interpretation that allows Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense in part. The third option is to accept the entire right of collective self-defense that is allowed to United Nations members under the Charter of the United Nations. The fourth option is to be based on the notion of collective security, which is for UN members to work together against a certain country's act of aggression and recover peace in conformity with a UN resolution. The fifth option is to employ the notion of policing. In addition to the four cases, the advisory panel is expected to discuss many other cases. One of these four cases is an emergency on the Korean Peninsula. In that event, the United States charters commercial airliners to evacuate civilians. A North Korean fighter plane attacks civilian aircraft bound for Japan with evacuated civilians on board. In this case, an SDF plane happens to be near that civilian aircraft. Is the SDF aircraft allowed to protect that civilian aircraft? Another case is a contingency in the periphery of Japan. In that event, the SDF inspects ships at sea. Is it possible to allow the SDF to fire warning shots? TOKYO 00002430 004 OF 008 The advisory panel will wrap up its discussions into a report this fall. Abe will then make his final decision. "This matter is up to a political decision," one of Abe's aides said, "so we need the ruling parties' approval." The aide continued, "The panel's report and the prime minister's decision may not necessarily be the same." This view prevails in the government. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party cannot ignore the standpoint of its coalition partner, New Komeito, which is opposed to reinterpreting the Constitution. New Komeito President Ota says, "The prime minister clearly told me that he would respect the government's conventional interpretation of the Constitution." With this, Ota sought to constrain Abe. Also, Natsuo Yamaguchi, who chairs New Komeito's foreign and security affairs committee, says: "We must be prepared for casualties in the Self-Defense Forces. What would their families say? Can the Self-Defense Forces continue to recruit? To get public understanding, we need to discuss some kind of brake." In the first meeting of the advisory panel, Abe raised another question: "What will Japan in the new era do and not do? It's important to show the public where the brake is." Abe thought that he had to show consideration so that he could obtain broad understanding not only in the government and the ruling coalition but also in and outside Japan. On Sept. 6 last year, a get-together party was held at the prime minister's office. One SDF officer there revealed to then Chief Cabinet Secretary Abe his earnest feeling: "In Iraq as well, we're working hard in the national interests of Japan at the risk of our lives. If something should happen there, we don't want to hear politicians say they had never told us to go to such a dangerous place." Abe answered: "If It's safe, the Self-Defense Forces will go there. This used to be the government's policy in the past. But now, we've changed it since the Koizumi cabinet. I don't want you to worry about that." The advisory panel's discussion will become an opportunity to think-from the perspectives of Japan's alliance with the United States and Japan's international contributions-about how far the SDF will go and how Japan wants to exist in the international community. It seems that the prime minister, whose ultimate goal is to revise Japan's postwar constitution, would like to pave the way for Japan to participate in collective self-defense and then to accelerate discussions on constitutional revision. One LDP lawmaker says SDF activities should be appropriately stipulated by constitutional revision. Meanwhile, another says reinterpreting the Constitution to allow Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense will weaken the need to revise the Constitution. Former Ambassador to the United States Shunji Yanai, who presides over the advisory panel, noted two points: 1) it will take time to revise the Constitution in order for Japan to resolve its own problems; and 2) although consideration is being given to reinterpreting the Constitution to resolve problems, it is also TOKYO 00002430 005 OF 008 meaningful to amend the Constitution and define SDF activities. Yanai says these options will not dampen the momentum of constitutional revision. The question is how to meet international needs and how to answer the voice of people including those in the SDF. The prime minister is mounting the stairway to make his decision. (This is the last of a five-part series.) (3) US concludes not to disclose names of crewmembers on board distressed helicopter in Okinawa, based on privacy prevention law RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 1) (Full) May 31, 2007 In a regular press conference yesterday, Ambassador in Charge of Okinawa Affairs Toshinori Shigeie revealed that the United States informed Japan that it has concluded not to disclose, based on its privacy protection law, the names of the crew members on board the US military helicopter that crashed into the campus of Okinawa International University in 2004. He said: "The US explained to us that it cannot disclose their names under domestic law." It has become certain that the Okinawa Prefecture Police's investigation division, which has been engaged in final coordination while waiting for a reply to its request from the US, will send papers with the suspects left unidentified. On this incident, the three-year statute of limitations on the charge of violating the aviation hazard action punishment law is to expire this August. The latest reply from the US has elicited a fierce reaction even from prefectural police officers. The investigation division has revealed its intention to continue to call on the US to disclose the names. Regarding specific reasons why the US has refused to disclose the names, Ambassador Shigeie said: "I heard that the policy is based on the US privacy protection law designed to protect individual information. I understand that only the defense secretary is authorized to prevent such information (like soldiers' names)." According to the Foreign Ministry's Okinawa Office, the Foreign Ministry made the same request to the US many times, but the US came up with the same reply each time. The mechanics who did maintenance on the distressed helicopter and others were subjected to trial by court-martial and faced punishment such as demotion or a pay cut. Focusing on this point, Shigeie said: "The US probably has considered that it exercised the primary jurisdiction (the right to convene a court on a priority basis)." (4) 35 years after Okinawa's reversion to Japan: Prefecture's dependence on US bases damages the environment ASAHI (Page 15) (Abridged slightly) May 31, 2007 By Kunitoshi Sakurai, president of Okinawa University A plan is underway to relocate Futenma Air Station as part of the realignment of US forces in Japan. On May 18, the government forcibly conducted a preliminary environmental survey in waters off the Henoko district with the assistance of a Maritime Self-Defense TOKYO 00002430 006 OF 008 Force minesweeper tender, an unusual case. Under the Environmental Impact Assessment Law, the government is required to produce documents detailing ways to conduct a survey, present them to local residents and affected municipalities, and conduct a survey reflecting their views. Conducting a survey ahead of those steps is a violation of the law. (Defense Ministry officials) damaged coral in the process of installing the survey equipment three days after SDF troops scattered the nonviolent local protesters, according to an investigation by an environmental group. Okinawa was returned to Japan on May 15, 1972. Over the next 35 years, the government has infused over 9 trillion yen into Okinawa for promoting and developing the prefecture with the aim of achieving independent development and eliminating the disparity with mainland Japan. The government's financial support has largely been a reward in return for accepting US bases. Although Okinawa accounts for only 0.6 percent of Japan's total landmass, it is home to 75 percent of US bases in the country. Okinawa residents have been suffering from noise pollution night and day, as well as from HUMAN rights violations by US military personnel. They have been plagued by a sense of guilt and self-hatred for having had a hand in the killing of blameless people by serving as a logistical support base in unjustified wars. Considering the fact that the government is aware that Okinawa residents have not voluntarily accepted the US bases, high subsidies, military land rents, and base subsidies are essentially the government's way of compensating them. Because of the government's promotion and development policy, Okinawa has ended up with depending more and more on financial assistance from the central government, moving away from independence. About 23 percent of Okinawa's finances came from the central government when it was returned to Japan in 1972. The rate increased to 40 percent in FY2003. The prefecture's unemployment rate, too, rose from 3 percent in 1972 to 8 percent in FY2005. Although prefectural income increased from 61 percent of the national average in 1972 to 76 percent in FY1986, the rate since then has been hovering around the 70 percent level. The government's promotion and development policy has also seriously damaged the environment. Corporations in mainland Japan take a large portion of the costs of subsidy-funded public works projects, leaving only a tiny share of the costs to local firms. Okinawa looks like a department store of public works projects. The assessment law, which is supposed to force the government to take countermeasures, has come to a standstill due to (the Defense Ministry's) preliminary survey and other factors that ignored a set of legal procedures. Forests in the northern part of Okinawa that deserve to become a World Natural Heritage site are one example of the destruction of the environment. With unused forest roads built for public works projects crisscrossing the forests, wildlife peculiar to Okinawa, such as Okinawa rails, is on the verge of extinction. Waters around Okinawa are also being reclaimed although there is no specific demand for it. Okinawa topped the country's list for landfills in FY2002. As if to symbolize flaws in the assessment law, new species have been found at the Awase tideland in Okinawa City after the assessment procedures have been completed. Coral around Ishigaki Island is also being threatened with a storm of development. Regardless of concern over red soil runoffs, TOKYO 00002430 007 OF 008 construction for New Ishigaki Airport is underway following a large-scale preliminary survey that was conducted in defiance of the assessment law before the government produced documents detailing methods of the survey. As is discussed above, the development of Okinawa over the last 35 years has been a flip side of the prefecture's structure to depend on US bases. The recently enacted US Forces Realignment Special Measures Law is a clear example of that. The law that is designed to subsidize the municipal governments in accordance with the state of cooperation on the construction of US bases and to apply pressure to residents of resistance is tantamount to a declaration of policy to control Okinawa. Our response to this situation is now being tested. (5) Kyuma referring to MSDF ship mobilized to offing of Henoko tells Okinawa governor: "Sorry to have caused you trouble" RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) May 31, 2007 (Tokyo) In a party to encourage House of Representatives member Kousaburo Nishime held in Tokyo last night, Defense Minister Fumio Kyuma met Okinawa Governor Hirokazu Nakaima. In reference to a Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) minesweeper tender mobilized to assist an environmental impact assessment in preparation for building a substitute for the US Marine Corps Futenma Air Station, Kyuma said: "I am sorry to have caused you trouble." This was the first contact between Kyuma and Nakaima since they met at the Defense Ministry on April 25. The two exchanged words for about five minutes in the party hall. Some speculate that they discussed how to find common ground over Nakaima's requests for shutting downing Futenma Air Station within three years and for revising the government's V-shape runway plan, as well the environmental impact assessment. Delivering a speech in the party, Kyuma said: "Although some say, based on a misunderstanding, that the government's approach is high-handed, we want such persons to look at the outcome. Although we will still unavoidably face many difficulties, we would like to do something that will be highly evaluated afterward, all the while consulting with the governor." (6) Initial report by Regulatory Reform Council: J-Green to be dismantled with its two main operations abolished SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) May 31, 2007 The government's Regulatory Reform Council, chaired by Nippon Yusen Kabushiki Kaisha Chairman Takao Kusakari, yesterday compiled an initial report. The report called on Japan Green Resources Agency (J-Green),an independent administrative agency that faced a criminal investigation over bureaucrat-led bid-rigging, to end its two major operations. In response to the report, the government has decided to compile a new three-year regulatory reform program in late June and reflect the specifics of the program in basic policy guidelines on economic and fiscal management and structural reforms for this year. J-Green will thus be dismantled accordingly. TOKYO 00002430 008 OF 008 Referring to the operations of J-Green, the report noted that expectations of involvement of a public entity will give rise to moral hazard and dampen the private sector's motivation. It urged that new projects should be adopted, based on meticulous cost-performance analyses and their objectives should be revealed. It also called on the agency to take a drastic look at its management system so as to prevent bid-rigging. The report then concluded that among the agency's three major operations - access road construction, general consolidation of land for agricultural use and water resource forest creation, new projects for the construction of access roads and the consolidation of farmland should be put on hold and terminated once ongoing projects end. Regarding other independent administrative agencies, such as the Japan External Trade Organization and the Urban Renaissance Agency, the report called on them to end or outsource part of their operations, and sell stocks of related companies. As part of assistance to those who want a second chance, the panel proposed raising the upper limit to the age eligible to sit the national government employee examination and easing conditions for taking child-maternity leaves on a piecemeal basis. Concerning the promotion of the adoption of an on-line system for medical fee bills, one focus of deregulation, the report mentioned a drastic revision of examination and payment operations and urged the implementation of a complete on-line system by 2011. Meeting the press after the meeting, Chair Kusakari pledged to further look into items up for deregulation in the run-up to the compilation of a report at the end of the year. He stated, "I want to disclose information in a more lucid manner, by taking up underlying issues." Outline of initial report -- Abolish two main operations of J-Green -- Revise operations of JETRO and the Urban Renaissance Agency --7Make it easier to take maternity leave --7Adoption of a complete on-line system in 2011 --7Revise import-export procedures and port and harbor procedures --7Look into a firewall separating banks and security houses --7Raise the upper limit to the age eligible to be hired as national government employees --7Revise the farm products, etc., labeling system SCHIEFFER