FOREIGN BRIDES FLOCK TO SOUTH KOREA

UNCLAS SEOUL 000810 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PHUM SMIG KWMN KS SUBJECT: FOREIGN BRIDES FLOCK TO SOUTH KOREA -------------- SUMMARY -------------- ¶1. (SBU) International marriages between Korean citizens and foreign spouses are occurring at a dramatic rate. In 2005, international marriages numbered 43,121 or 13.6 percent of all marriages in Korea, up from 12,319 marriages in 2000. More than 70 percent of these marriages (31,180 in total) are between a Korean man and a foreign bride. The Korean government is supportive of these unions as they provide a partial resolution to the growing problem of some young Korean men, who outnumber young Korean women by a sizeable margin, having difficulty finding a wife and starting a family, one of the key factors to Korea having the lowest birthrate among the OECD. Demographic benefits aside, there are a number of cultural, social, and ethical issues that accompany this growing phenomenon as recounted to poloff by Clara, a young Vietnamese bride in Seoul. END SUMMARY. -------------- CLARA'S STORY -------------- ¶2. (U) Clara, as she is called by the Korean nuns who run the Friendship House shelter where Clara currently resides, is a 24-year old woman from a rural village in Vietnam. Clara came to Korea in September 2006 following a wedding ceremony in Vietnam with her Korean husband, Mr. Kim. One of 5 children in a family struggling to survive in an isolated and poverty-stricken village, Clara embarked on the marriage with her Korean husband after three other women from her village successfully married Korean men and began sending money back to their families. With the additional money, the families built decent housing and provided a more comfortable existence for the remaining siblings. Although Clara did not want to leave her village, she wanted to do her part to help her family. ¶3. (U) Clara's parents talked with the other families whose daughters married Korean men. Eventually her parents made contact with a Vietnamese business partner of a Korean marriage broker company. Several weeks later, the Vietnamese broker arrived with Clara's future husband, Mr. Kim. The broker, speaking in broken Vietnamese and Korean, provided very basic interpretation of the questions posed between the prospective bride and groom. Clara asked why Mr. Kim had not yet married and why he chose to marry a Vietnamese woman. The broker responded for Mr. Kim saying that he had a slight mental condition but he was taking medication and it did not affect his daily life. This "minor affliction" prevented Mr. Kim from finding a suitable spouse in Korea, the broker explained. After a meeting that lasted less than an hour, all parties agreed to the marriage which occurred two days later. Mr. Kim and Clara spent an additional two days together on their "honeymoon" in a nearby city before Mr. Kim returned to Korea. ¶4. (U) Clara arrived in Korea approximately 3 months after the wedding. Mr. Kim completed all of the necessary paperwork required by the Korean immigration authorities who issued F-2 visa for foreign brides in Korea. Upon arrival, Clara was taken to her new home on the outskirts of Seoul. Contrary to many of the marriages between Korean men and Southeast-Asian women, Mr. Kim was not a farmer living in the countryside; he had a low-paying job as a janitor for a large office building in Seoul. Clara was also introduced to her mother-in-law and brother-in-law. From the beginning, her new relatives treated her well and were glad to see that Mr. Kim had finally found some companionship as Mr. Kim was 37 with no viable prospects for marriage. ¶5. (U) Clara began her new life in Seoul but soon found it was a very isolated and lonely existence. At home alone for most of the day, Clara found little to do in her small apartment and did not feel comfortable venturing out as she did not speak the language and was not familiar with life in a "big city". Her main source of relief was frequent phone calls to her family in Vietnam and to her Vietnamese friend who was also living in Korea. Eventually, her husband had to limit these phone calls as the monthly bill became burdensome. Although Clara was not physically limited in her freedom to enjoy life in Korea, she was very aware of the cultural and linguistic differences between herself and those she came into contact with. ¶6. (U) Shortly after Clara's arrival, she began to see signs in her husband's conduct and health that were not in line with the explanations provided by the marriage broker during the original meeting in Vietnam. Her husband had violent seizures and was frequently agitated, causing Clara to fear for her safety. His mental challenges and frustration with Clara eventually led Mr. Kim to physically abuse her. Despite the pleadings of her relatives in Vietnam and Mr. Kim's family in Seoul, Clara decided to leave her husband and seek refuge at a local Christian church. The church referred Clara to the care of the "Sisters" or nuns who run the Friendship House, a church-funded shelter for foreign women who are victims of abuse. ¶7. (U) The nuns counseled Clara to try to work things out with her husband and even arranged a meeting between the couple. After the meeting failed to assuage Clara's concerns about her safety or the true health condition of her husband, she decided to seek a divorce and planned to return to Vietnam. Although Clara said that she felt safe in the shelter and was comforted by the care provided by the nuns, she was very nervous about the reception that she would receive from her family and friends back in Vietnam. Knowing that she went to Korea to provide a better life for herself and for her family, Clara is likely to face a difficult transition back into the village where all will know that she failed where others have reaped great success and prosperity. -------------- FRIENDSHIP HOUSE -------------- ¶8. (U) Started in 2003, Friendship House was founded to support female victims of prostitution and human trafficking, most of whom were from Russia. As Korea stopped issuing the E-6 entertainer visas which were the main source of foreign sex workers in Korea, the victims at the shelter have shifted from Eastern European entertainers to Southeast Asian brides. Each year, Friendship House assists approximately 50 women seeking legal and medical counseling or to return to their home country. The shelter is funded solely through charitable contributions from local Christian churches. In the past, Friendship House accepted government funding but because of burdensome bureaucracy, they decided to stop accepting government assistance. ¶9. (U) The shelter itself is a residential dwelling on the outskirts of Seoul. Located in a quiet neighborhood, there are no signs or markings to indicate to the common passerby that the shelter exists. The shelter tries not to attract public attention in order to protect the residents. Although the interior of the house itself is cozy and inviting, the curtains hanging on the large front window partially conceal a metal security gate that the Sisters pull closed each night to keep out unwanted visitors; a subtle reminder that these women are victims and in need of protection. -------------- COMMENT -------------- ¶10. (SBU) Many foreign brides are treated well and afforded opportunities they would never have in their home country. In general, overcoming linguistic and cultural differences are often cited as the leading causes of divorce among international couples. Despite these formidable challenges, in 2005 only five percent of international couples requested a divorce, far below the national divorce rate of 41 percent. Not only are many of these couples staying together, most of them are starting a family as well. Among Vietnamese brides who came to Korea between 2003 and 2005, 94 percent gave birth to children. ¶11. (SBU) Although the influx of foreign brides has helped to raise the marriage rate among Korean men, there are a number of long-term concerns that the Korean government is just now beginning to address. Cultural assimilation of foreign brides and the resulting "Korasian" children are two of the more prominent areas of concern as one of the most homogenous populations in the world tries to deal with the idea of becoming more heterogeneous. Although it got a late start, the Korean government is working diligently to help foreigners in Korea and make their transition as smooth as possible, but it will take several years to catch up with the booming trend of international marriages. VERSHBOW