CAN THE NON-GNP CANDIDATES COME TOGETHER?

UNCLAS SEOUL 002047 SIPDIS SIPDIS E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: PGOV PREL KS SUBJECT: CAN THE NON-GNP CANDIDATES COME TOGETHER? REF: SEOUL 1841 -------------- SUMMARY -------------- ¶1. (U) Despite a GNP-centered race thus far, the liberal side is also gearing up for the presidential race, with a steady flow of hopefuls throwing their hat into the ring. Major center-left hopefuls, mostly those from the ruling camp, recently agreed to launch a new united party and stand behind a single candidate. But the path toward that goal will not be easy as they will have tQvercome numerous obstacles, including resistance from the Uri Party and the Moderate United Democrats (MUD) loyalists, rules on the "open primary", and the actual viability of the eventual candidate. For these reasons, some predict the liberals would rather conduct separate primaries by faction than unify behind a single candidate at the last minute. For now, Sohn Hak-kyu, the former Gyeonggi governor who bolted from the GNP, remains in front with all other liberals trailing several points behind in all polls. End Summary. -------------- LATEST DEVELOPMENTS -------------- ¶2. (U) The current race has apparently been characterized by the competition between Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye, the "big two" conservative candidates. Political Science Professor Kang Won-taek at Soongsil University told us that the liberal/progressive side lacked any defining element to solidify its core supporters this time around, whereas regionalism played a key part in the 1997 election and generational gap did the same in 2002. But the center-left is nonetheless actively scrambling ahead of the election, trying to maintain a viable shot at the presidency. Moreover, although national security issues are not generally perceived as the top priority in the current campaign, DPRK issues can always become a factor given a last-minute breakthrough, such as a South-North summit, according to Han Gue-young, Senior Researcher at the Korea Society Opinion Institute (KSOI),a polling company. ¶3. (U) On July 4, Kim Geun-tae and six presidential hopefuls from the center-left, namely, Sohn Hak-kyu, Chung Dong-young, Lee Hae-chan, Han Myeong-sook, Kim Hyuk-kyu, and Chun Jung-bae, agreed to form a united party later this month and stand behind a single presidential candidate. Subsequently, a group of Uri defectors came up with a more concrete "roadmap" toward the launch of a new party that would incorporate all Uri factions by the end of July or early August. They are seeking ways to absorb the Uri party, as well as joining hands with NGOs. Some say that, should the resistance of pro-Roh members of the Uri Party become too fierce, those who support a broader integration would have to defect collectively to join the new party. In this case, the primary in this camp would have to be conducted in three different "factions", i.e., the faction seeking a new party, the Moderate United Democrats, and the remaining Uri party members. -------------- WHO'S WHO IN THE RACE? -------------- ¶4. (U) Sohn Hak-kyu, Chung Dong-young, and Lee Hae-chan are the so-called "big three" on the center-left side, more commonly referred to as "progressives." While Sohn and Chung are anti-Roh candidates, Lee is an unabashed pro-Roh candidate. Both Sohn and Chung are trying to bridge the gap between the group seeking a broad integration and the MUD, in an effort to incorporate both factions and play a key role toward the unification of the fractured progressives. The reason they cannot ignore the MUD is that the party has a firm support base in the Jeolla region, the home to anti-GNP voters. To win Jeolla voters, Sohn must overcome his image as a GNP has-been. Chung equally needs to solidify his traditional support base in the Jeolla region. KSOI's Han says, however, unlike Sohn who is enjoying the highest polls among non-GNP hopefuls, Chung's popularity has been on a constant decline ever since it peaked between late 2002 and early 2004. ¶5. (U) Lee Hae-chan, who served as the Prime Minister from 2004 to 2006, kicked off his presidential bid in earnest in mid-June. Researcher Han Gue-young suggests that his perceived strengths include: 1) his close ties to both former President Kim Dae-jung and incumbent President Roh Moo-hyun; 2) his hometown being in the Choongchung province, a swing district and a good place to start absorbing voters in the Jeolla province; and 3) his appeal as a viable answer to GNP's Lee Myung-bak, in terms of drive and decisiveness. But on the other hand, Han said, he has yet to overcome his limited approval rating (between eight and nine percent among non-GNP hopefuls, and three percent among all hopefuls),and his negative image associated with the golf scandal of March ¶2006. Nevertheless, KSOI researcher Han said Lee is expected to be the most viable among all pro-Roh candidates, surpassing Han Myeong-sook, Kim Hyuk-kyu and Kim Doo-kwan, and would eventually compete with Sohn Hak-kyu and Chung Dong-young for the nomination on the progressive side. ¶6. (U) Additionally, Choo Mi-ae, former lawmaker and DP chairwoman, Shin Ki-nam, former Uri chairman, and Rhee In-je, former presidential candidate in both 1997 and 2002, have all announced their bids. Former Health and Welfare Minister Rhyu Simin, who was formerly an aide to Lee Hae-chan, and Yuhan Kimberly CEO Moon Kook-hyun are also said to be considering entering the race. -------------- WAY FORWARD -------------- ¶7. (U) Talks on the primary rules are under way, with a view to reaching an agreement by mid-July. Among the proposals include a schedule of holding a "cut-off primary" by the end of August in order to first filter out the less-popular hopefuls, then move on to the real primary sometime in September and confirm their candidate by October. Meanwhile, some members of the Moderate United Democrats are also said to be ready to defect their party sometime in July to join the new party yet to be launched. ¶8. (U) Still, nothing is clear on the broad array of center-left groups: 1) Whether the MUD as a party will join the broader progressive integration; 2) Whether the Uri loyalists will keep resisting the integration; 3) How the rules for an "open primary" or public participation in a primary will be set out and implemented; and 4) How they will avoid criticism of a "makeshift" party reshuffle, since everyone except Sohn among the six hopefuls who agreed to pursue a unified party are related to the Uri party, either as the Uri leadership or Cabinet officials in this administration. -------------- COMMENT -------------- ¶9. (SBU) If all of this is confusing, it's because it is. Simply put, the center-left is being torn in a number of directions, especially between the Roh-loyalists and those who want to completely disassociate themselves from the unpopular president. The only item they agree on is that a GNP candidate may not be elected as president in December, which, conventional wisdom has it is enough to produce a unified candidate eventually. Perhaps, but time is running out for them to get their act together. VERSHBOW